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岁月如歌,盛世相约。2011年5月,上海工会学院将迎来60华诞。60年来,上海工会学院从一所干部培训学校发展成为普通高等职业学校,始终坚持以服务为宗旨,以质量为核心,走内涵式发展道路,持久创新,跨越发展,取得了令人瞩目的教育成果,为上海工运事业的发展作出了突出贡献。  相似文献   

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Berggren  Niclas 《Public Choice》1999,100(3-4):203-223

How does economic freedom, mainly how property rights are designed and protected, relate to income equality? Whilst this is argued to be theoretically ambiguous, the empirical results reveal that there is a positive relationship between changes in economic freedom and equality: the more a country increased its economic freedom between 1975 and 1985, the higher the level of equality around 1985. Most important in this regard is trade liberalization and financial deregulation. Also, there are signs that the level of economic freedom in 1985 is negatively related to the level of equality around that year, plausibly because of less redistribution.

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This paper addresses the following questions: What are the key elements of the middle class? What do they really want? To what extent can the middle class serve as an agent for democratic change? Why is the Party trying to co-opt the middle class? Is the middle class a willing partner with the state or an autonomous force in opposition to the state? The paper concludes that at present, the new middle class as a whole does not pose any significant threat to current regime. It quietly endorses the leadership in Beijing. Nevertheless, in the long run, the middle class will have a significant impact upon the socio-political structure in China.  相似文献   

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Campaign finance contributions may influence policy by affecting elections or influencing the choices of politicians once in office. To study the trade‐offs between these two paths to influence, we use a game in which contributions may affect electoral outcomes and signal policy‐relevant information to politicians. In the model, a campaign donor and two politicians each possess private information correlated with a policy‐relevant state of the world. The donor may allocate his or her budget to either an ally candidate who has relatively similar preferences or a moderate candidate whose preferences are relatively divergent from the donor's preferred policy. Contributions that increase the likelihood of the moderate being elected can signal good news about the donor's preferred policy and influence the moderate's policy choice. However, when the electoral effect of contributions is too small to demand sufficiently high costs to deter imitation by groups with negative information, this informational effect breaks down.  相似文献   

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This paper uses anecdotal evidence to identify a group of firms that had significant ties to President Lyndon Johnson and determines the effect of Johnson's unexpected rise to the Presidency on the market value of these firms. The unexpected nature of President Kennedy's death eliminates the confounding event problem typically associated with election results. We are able to identify four separate portfolios of firms that had political ties to Lyndon Johnson. Our research suggests that the market expected significant benefits to accrue to these firms as a result of Johnson's becoming President. When Catholic John Kennedy and Johnson were running together in 1960 a joke hop-scotched around the parties in Texas and Washington that Kennedy had told Johnson, “Lyndon, when we get elected I'm going to dig a tunnel to the Vatican,” and Lyndon had replied, “That's OK with me as long as Brown & Root gets the contract” (Dugger, 1982: 286).  相似文献   

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The British Labour party's recent adoption of a partially open primary for the selection of its leader conforms to a trend seen across many European political parties of increasing rights and privileges in internal party decision‐making and expanding opportunities for more loosely affiliated supporters to participate in party activity. This dual trend can be seen as a response to changes in the membership environment, greater individualisation of political participation and growth in social movement politics and online activism. Yet as much as parties are responding to a changed membership environment, they are also driving that change, increasingly blurring the distinction between members and supporters. This article examines the recent impact of this change within the British Labour party and argues that, in line with Susan Scarrow's theory of ‘multi‐speed’ membership, the Labour party's experiment in expanding affiliation options has led directly to a tension in locating the source of authority within the party, creating a challenge for its new leader in accommodating his new supporters within his party's representative traditions.  相似文献   

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宋立亚  唐丹 《学理论》2012,(18):126-128
性别差异是人类社会的一种自然现象,由于各自的生理结构、社会因素以及传统文化因素的影响导致女性语言与男性语言也有所区别。概括并分析了变动型模糊限制语在同组性别和不同性别的使用差异情况,同时也从社会文化因素讨论了导致差异的原因。其分析言语差异的目的在于能使人们更好地把握对语言的运用,从而促进跨性别交际的顺利进行。  相似文献   

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Central to the study of Congress is the study of relationships among members. Electoral collaboration is a function of a member's position in the broader congressional power network. It allows members to leverage their campaign resources to achieve the four classic goals of members of Congress: reelection, making good public policy, obtaining power within the institution, and having one's party in the majority. Using nearly 3.2 million FEC records from 2010 to 2016, we explore the dynamics that influence electoral collaboration. We find members are most likely to collaborate electorally with other members from the same state, party, and committee, and the most electorally vulnerable. Further, party leaders share most frequently with the rank and file. These findings build upon our expanding understanding of congressional collaboration, the networks members of Congress form, and the congressional power structure members operate within.  相似文献   

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This article uses interviews and Internet data to examine social media use among nonprofit organizations and county departments involved in the delivery of human services in a six‐county area in south‐central New York State. Social media use was modest, with nonprofit organizations much more likely to use it than county departments. Organizations used social media primarily to market organizational activities, remain relevant to key constituencies, and raise community awareness. Most organizations either had a narrow view of social media's potential value or lacked a long‐term vision. Barriers to use included institutional policies, concerns about the inappropriateness of social media for target audiences, and client confidentiality. Findings build on recent research regarding the extent to which nonprofit organizations and local governments use social media to engage stakeholders. Future research should investigate not only the different ways organizations use social media but also whether organizations use it strategically to advance organizational goals.  相似文献   

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Signals intelligence was crucial in helping British policymakers come to grips with Communist subversionreal or imaginedin this country. Still, though released by GCHQ in the late 1990s, Soviet diplomatic intercepts have yet to feature prominently in any study of early Anglo-Russian relations. While they ought not to be regarded on their own as the definitive source on Soviet foreign policy, GCCS intercepts tell us a great deal not only about how Moscow used the threat of subversion as a bargaining chip but also about personalities and bureaucratic rivalries on the Soviet side.  相似文献   

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杨庆华  张发祥 《学理论》2012,(14):172-173
以江苏卫视《非诚勿扰》为例,从顺应理论的语境关系视角对节目中出现的话语进行分析,可以看出顺应理论对交友类节目的安排具有指导作用,使语言使用更加得体,同时,对提高观众的欣赏能力有所帮助。  相似文献   

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