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Abstract

The essay examines the social policy principles underlying state funding schemes that shape the functioning of non-profit organisations in service delivery in Russia. Scrutinising federal and regional financial tools, the analysis reveals that some non-profit organisations are engaged with a neoliberal logic promoting state funding based on competitive grant processes and a means-tested approach to clients, while others seek privileged access to state resources to secure a statist and stratified service provision for their members. The essay argues that neoliberal principles are extended through contracting-out and are undermining statist practices; however, a situation is emerging within competitive outsourcing procedures in which selected organisations are still receiving privileged treatment from the state.  相似文献   

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Regine A. Spector 《欧亚研究》2018,70(10):1668-1688
Abstract

This article investigates the social foundations of apparel manufacturing in Kyrgyzstan. Drawing upon interviews and a survey of Bishkek-based workshop owners, a bottom-up analysis finds that many are family businesses that started producing clothing after the country’s independence in 1991. I discuss here how they acquired the capital and knowledge necessary for this business, and how they mobilised a variety of migration-related experiences and relationships—often related to bazaar work—to compete in the sector. The findings contribute to a growing literature on how migration can facilitate family-based manufacturing in the post-Soviet region, although not without significant costs and challenges.  相似文献   

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洪小芝 《国际展望》2013,(1):83-94,149,150
当前全球金融治理成为研究的热点。在全球金融治理中,到底应该反映主要个别成员国的意志还是平等地反映所有成员国的意志,长期以来,在国际合作领域一直存在类似的争论,即霸权稳定论思想和多边主义思想之间的争论。本文将从多角度对全球金融治理中的霸权稳定论和多边主义思想进行初步的讨论,进而分析哪一种思想比较适合当前的全球金融治理。  相似文献   

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《Communist and Post》2019,52(2):169-176
The article analyzes authoritarian regimes within the post-Soviet territory in terms of informal practices (clannishness, clientelism and patronage) and their characteristics used by political leaders to form a power coalition. It has been argued that any of these informal practices determine a power coalition of a certain size, which is consequential for regime sustainability. Power coalitions formed on the basis of a clan-like nature is the least effective way to retain power and generally leads to regime destabilization. Clientelism, which allows for forming a power coalition on a wider basis, is a more effective strategy in terms of regime sustainability. Maximum regime sustainability is reached when patronage practices are used, which require more material resources and are only accessible to a limited number of wealthy states.  相似文献   

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Abstract

This paper highlights three key weaknesses with the developmental state as a theory of the state. First, that the theory imagines the state in Weberian terms and then seeks to judge all states—even ones which are not Weberian—according to Weberian yardsticks which are not universal. Second, that the theory underestimates the extent to which it is itself bound up with dominant global power structures associated with the Cold War and the post-cold war period. Third, that in its concern to identify the correct ‘institutional mix’ for development to occur, developmental state theorists ends up believing that the (best) states really do stand apart from society, forgetting that this is an illusion which is fundamental to how states rule. Not to be alert to the state's ‘ideological effects’ is not really to study the state at all; this is ultimately a criticism which has to be levelled at the theory of the developmental state. To suggest—as many scholars do—that the theory's weaknesses can be solved by breaking the state down into its constituent parts, focusing more on society, or trying to locate the ‘blurred’ boundary between state and society more effectively, completely misses the point, since it does little, if anything, to uncover how states really rule. The issues are explored via a comparison of the state in Singapore and Vietnam.  相似文献   

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《Communist and Post》2007,40(2):169-189
The post-Soviet ethnic migration wave was quickly followed by the contraction of population territorial mobility. The growing role of socioeconomic factors in defining the character and intensity of migration flows, including the expansion of temporary, labor and undocumented migration, has been especially pronounced.These changes indicate the evolving relationship between migration and conflicts developing in Central Eurasia. Initially as an indicator of ethnic tensions and discrimination of minorities, migration is becoming a mechanism of market transition, providing for the economic survival of population under crisis conditions. With the depletion of the number of ethnic Russian migrants, the influx of ethnic aliens, moving primarily from Central Asia and the Transcaucasus to Russia, is increasing in importance.The present paper discusses the impact of new migration flows on the economies, welfare mechanisms, financial systems, labor markets, and societies of Central Eurasia. Special attention is given to the governmental response to migration phenomenon—from labor migration criminalization to attempts to stimulate the flow of specific migrant groups.  相似文献   

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James Hughes 《欧亚研究》2013,65(5):992-1016
Theoretical debates about multilateralism positively juxtapose it to unilateralism or bilateralism, because it is seen as a natural ideational fit with the growth of global governance. The major schism on the concept is between normativists who emphasise shared values and the realists' concerns with strategic interactions and power asymmetries. The Kosovo crisis beginning in 1999 could be seen as the first major crisis of multilateralism in the international system after the end of the Cold War. It was a crisis about the role and interests of a hegemonic USA and a weakened Russia. As a case, Kosovo demonstrates the paradoxes and limitations of multilateralism in the field of international security, when there are different types and levels of multilateralism interacting. The US and EU leaderships saw Kosovo as essentially a regional problem which could be manipulated to rejuvenate and enhance Western multilateral cooperation in NATO. This view found support among an upper echelon of officials in the UN, surrounding Secretary-General Kofi Annan, which favoured a multilateral intervention in Kosovo as proof of commitment to the developing norm of ‘right to protect’. Russia, however, saw its multilateral engagement over Kosovo as a strategic interaction to counterbalance and compensate for its weakness vis-à-vis NATO. The multilateral interactions by these three parties appear to have deepened mistrust as the process failed to resolve the final status of Kosovo, leading to its unilateral declaration of independence in 2008. The case demonstrates the importance of shared interests for successful multilateral interactions.  相似文献   

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Beneficiary participation in development projects has been an important topic of debate during the last decades. In the empirical research on the matter beneficiaries themselves are seldom, if ever, asked about their perceptions of participatory mechanisms in place. We present such a (case) study on the Vietnamese local office of a European non-governmental development organisation, also probing into other stakeholders’ perceptions (46 interviews in total). Our observations allow us to refine some aspects of the extant theoretical insights on beneficiary participation and representation, as well as to formulate some recommendations for organisations aiming at increasing beneficiary participation in their decision-making.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Resource management is essential for any organisation’s success. For non-profit organisations (NPOs) volunteers are a key resource. In this article, we examine how NPOs recruit, mobilise and manage volunteers in a challenging institutional and operational context. By drawing on a qualitative study of Russian health NPOs, our study highlights that the operational and institutional environment encountered by Russian NPOs leads to ‘management by network’ to acquire necessary volunteer resources. This pragmatic approach, whilst ensuring an organisation’s short-term survival, ultimately limits the type of volunteer recruited by Russian NPOs. The implications of these findings are also explored.  相似文献   

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2021年是苏联解体30周年,受特殊的历史、地缘政治等因素影响,欧亚地区一直受到国际社会广泛关注。2020年以来,新冠肺炎疫情对全球经济与政治产生了重大而深远的影响,欧亚地区风波不断。“欧亚”的概念有多种地理范围释义,本文所界定的“欧亚”是除波罗的海三国之外由苏联12个加盟共和国组成的地区,亦可以“后苏联空间”指代。  相似文献   

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Yasuhiro Matsui 《欧亚研究》2008,60(7):1223-1246
In 1929, when rationing was introduced widely across the Soviet Union, urban residents and housing organisations started to organise their own canteens at the residence level by collecting their ration books. These were called ‘self-managed canteens’ (samodeyatel'nye stolovye). Although this canteen project did not expand as expected during the food crisis of the early 1930s, the project was more successful in Moscow's Frunze raion. This was especially true of canteen No. 171, reportedly established at the initiative of housewives, which continued to operate until 1940 with a steady growth in gross sales, and which started to allocate part of its profits to local community activities. This unique case exemplifies a communitarian project by residents which might lead to a reconsideration of the ‘public’ under the Stalinist regime.  相似文献   

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