Women between a new marriage and an independent position: Rural widows in Bohemia in the first half of the nineteenth century

This article discusses the position of widowed rural women in early 19th-century Bohemia. It focuses on women who had been married to full peasant farmers, holders of smaller farmsteads or cottagers. The data collected are based on the method of family reconstruction, which made it possible to carry out an in-depth examination of the background of individual widows as well as of the factors which influenced the widows' future. Results show that in deciding whether to remarry, widows were not determined only by economic or demographic circumstances (their age). Rather, the decision depended on specific life experience of each widow. One of the crucial factors was whether a widow was entitled to managing the farmstead of her late husband and also the number and age of children in the family. Young widows under 35 remarried in 88% of the cases, which was only natural since they did not have enough time to fulfil their maternal needs — 62% of women under 35 had either no child or only one when they became widowed. By contrast, the majority of older widows (61% of widows aged 35–50) decided to manage the farm by themselves, since by entering into a new marriage they would compromise the inheritance shares of their existing children.     

Bequests to widows and their property in early modern England

This paper analyses those wills made by persons with the surname Farrer between 1500 and 1849 that mention both a widow and children in order to see how different testators divided their property when the interests of more than one family member had to be considered. It is argued that the economic position of women following widowhood was weaker in the eighteenth century than it had been earlier. In the eighteenth century, fewer widows were appointed executrix of their husband's estate and fewer received a share of the residue of the estate. Relatively more bequests of houses and land went to children and not to the widow. These trends occurred in all regions we examined and were experienced by all social groups who made wills. However, while husbands in the eighteenth century were relatively less generous to their widows in their wills than their predecessors, their widows were far from destitute, often receiving some land, cash and goods in addition to a house.     

Bequests to widows and their property in early modern England

This paper analyses those wills made by persons with the surname Farrer between 1500 and 1849 that mention both a widow and children in order to see how different testators divided their property when the interests of more than one family member had to be considered. It is argued that the economic position of women following widowhood was weaker in the eighteenth century than it had been earlier. In the eighteenth century, fewer widows were appointed executrix of their husband's estate and fewer received a share of the residue of the estate. Relatively more bequests of houses and land went to children and not to the widow. These trends occurred in all regions we examined and were experienced by all social groups who made wills. However, while husbands in the eighteenth century were relatively less generous to their widows in their wills than their predecessors, their widows were far from destitute, often receiving some land, cash and goods in addition to a house.     

The standard of living of widows: Inventories as an indicator of the economic situation of widows

This article examines the standard of living of widows in two rural areas, South West Finland and Central Sweden, in the eighteenth and nineteenth century and among first generation migrants to Stockholm between 1680 and 1750. The principal sources used are the inventories of a person's possessions that were taken after their death, supplemented in the case of the rural populations by retirement contracts (which were not used by urban populations in the Nordic countries). Wealth is measured in three ways: examination of the type and value of the property listed in the inventory, calculating what goods might be purchased with a given inheritance, and a comparison of the inventories of widows with those of married women and with men. A range of factors, it was discovered, determined how much property a widow might own at her death. These factors included her age and whether there were children entitled to a share of the family's property but also the impact of inheritance law which awarded widows a larger share of marital property in towns than in the countryside and included the house which in rural areas was considered to belong to the family and not to any one individual. Analysis of this evidence suggests that the widows of farmers were likely to be economically secure due to the provisions in their retirement contracts which provided them with housing, food and care until their death. The situation of the widows of the landless was considerably more precarious. Some might even have nothing to inherit from their husbands.     

The standard of living of widows: Inventories as an indicator of the economic situation of widows

This article examines the standard of living of widows in two rural areas, South West Finland and Central Sweden, in the eighteenth and nineteenth century and among first generation migrants to Stockholm between 1680 and 1750. The principal sources used are the inventories of a person's possessions that were taken after their death, supplemented in the case of the rural populations by retirement contracts (which were not used by urban populations in the Nordic countries). Wealth is measured in three ways: examination of the type and value of the property listed in the inventory, calculating what goods might be purchased with a given inheritance, and a comparison of the inventories of widows with those of married women and with men. A range of factors, it was discovered, determined how much property a widow might own at her death. These factors included her age and whether there were children entitled to a share of the family's property but also the impact of inheritance law which awarded widows a larger share of marital property in towns than in the countryside and included the house which in rural areas was considered to belong to the family and not to any one individual. Analysis of this evidence suggests that the widows of farmers were likely to be economically secure due to the provisions in their retirement contracts which provided them with housing, food and care until their death. The situation of the widows of the landless was considerably more precarious. Some might even have nothing to inherit from their husbands.     

Elderly widows and widowers and their coresidents in late 19th- and early 20th-century England and Wales

This article examines the family and household patterns of widowers and widows in England and Wales between 1891 and 1921 in terms of the proportion of widowers and widows who lived with never- or ever-married children, servants, or inmates, with nonrelatives only, or on their own. The absence of marked change between 1891 and 1921 in the frequency with which elderly widowers and widows lived with a married or never-married child are in line with the Laslett [J. Fam. Hist. 12 (1987) 263.] expectation that family patterns evolve only slowly, certainly much slower than the forces of political and economic change. Where changes can be detected, as in the decline in frequency of coresidence with servants or inmates, these changes were experienced by the younger as well as the older widowed and by married people. Apparently, the residence patterns of the elderly widowed changed due to the introduction of means-tested old-age pensions in 1910. A second investigated is the extent to which the socioeconomic environment influenced the residence patterns of the widowed in a given time period. The effect in general proves to be weak with little difference between one environment and another in the frequency with which widowers coresided with their children and evidence of gender balancing of the household (relatively more widows living with sons and more widowers with daughters) visible only in agricultural environments.     

Elderly widows and widowers and their coresidents in late 19th- and early 20th-century England and Wales

This article examines the family and household patterns of widowers and widows in England and Wales between 1891 and 1921 in terms of the proportion of widowers and widows who lived with never- or ever-married children, servants, or inmates, with nonrelatives only, or on their own. The absence of marked change between 1891 and 1921 in the frequency with which elderly widowers and widows lived with a married or never-married child are in line with the Laslett [J. Fam. Hist. 12 (1987) 263.] expectation that family patterns evolve only slowly, certainly much slower than the forces of political and economic change. Where changes can be detected, as in the decline in frequency of coresidence with servants or inmates, these changes were experienced by the younger as well as the older widowed and by married people. Apparently, the residence patterns of the elderly widowed changed due to the introduction of means-tested old-age pensions in 1910. A second investigated is the extent to which the socioeconomic environment influenced the residence patterns of the widowed in a given time period. The effect in general proves to be weak with little difference between one environment and another in the frequency with which widowers coresided with their children and evidence of gender balancing of the household (relatively more widows living with sons and more widowers with daughters) visible only in agricultural environments.     

Residence patterns of aged widows in three Mediterranean communities and the organization of the care

Widowhood and old age increase the need for support. The analysis of the living arrangements of the elderly demonstrates how that assistance was provided. The example of these three Majorcan communities (Sineu, Vilafranca, and Capdepera) between 1880 and 1965 indicates that the solidarity networks of the family members enabled elderly widows and widowers to live in their own households. Proximity permitted a regular and intensive contact by the members of the family and a continuous exchange of services and help that met the needs of the different generations as in other Mediterranean societies. However, residential proximity did not replace coresidence with married children. Both coresidence and residential proximity were strategies that families employed according to their particular needs and situations. The frequency of complex households and whether headship of the household remained with the older generation were determined by the nature of the inheritance system as well as by the ability of older women to assist with domestic tasks, such as the care of grandchildren. The position of women as usufructuaries or nonproprietors after the death of their husbands helps explain the higher proportion that lived in the households of married children. Widowers, as they owned the house in which they lived, were in a stronger position and retained the headship of the household. From the last decades of the 19th century to the 1960s, the number of widowed who lived alone gradually increased, but daily contact with children was maintained.     

Residence patterns of aged widows in three Mediterranean communities and the organization of the care

Widowhood and old age increase the need for support. The analysis of the living arrangements of the elderly demonstrates how that assistance was provided. The example of these three Majorcan communities (Sineu, Vilafranca, and Capdepera) between 1880 and 1965 indicates that the solidarity networks of the family members enabled elderly widows and widowers to live in their own households. Proximity permitted a regular and intensive contact by the members of the family and a continuous exchange of services and help that met the needs of the different generations as in other Mediterranean societies. However, residential proximity did not replace coresidence with married children. Both coresidence and residential proximity were strategies that families employed according to their particular needs and situations. The frequency of complex households and whether headship of the household remained with the older generation were determined by the nature of the inheritance system as well as by the ability of older women to assist with domestic tasks, such as the care of grandchildren. The position of women as usufructuaries or nonproprietors after the death of their husbands helps explain the higher proportion that lived in the households of married children. Widowers, as they owned the house in which they lived, were in a stronger position and retained the headship of the household. From the last decades of the 19th century to the 1960s, the number of widowed who lived alone gradually increased, but daily contact with children was maintained.     

“The old woman's wish”: widows by the family fire?: Widows' old age provisions in rural England, 1500–1700

This article considers the extent of changes between 1500 and 1700 in the provisions for widows in the wills from two villages in the east of England (Cratfield and Poslingford in Suffolk). Will-makers were by no means a homogeneous group but had more in common with each other than they did with the poor. The stage in life reached by both the testator and his widow helped determine the type of old-age provision received and the degree of involvement with the estate. The existence of young children proved to be not as an important factor in the decision-making process as either age or social status. Some widows received land from husbands who had been yeomen; other received goods. Older testators favored annuities and similar arrangements, while younger testators (under 60) preferred a division of property between the widow and at least one son. When there were minor children, the widow was more likely to be awarded all or part of the landed estate. Over time, greater reliance upon cash and credit created a more fluid and responsive range of old-age provisions but did not completely replace traditional forms of support.     

Women in older ages—“old” women?

Widows in contemporary and past societies are normally portrayed as passive individuals needing to be cared for by their children or relatives, the community, or the state. This article challenges this assumption by documenting the extent and range of the participation of widows in the labor market and the number of dependents for whom they were responsible. The introduction discusses the longstanding image of the widow and the attempts made to coerce widows to behave in accordance with the image. The reasons for the high degree of regulation and supervision, particularly of sexuality, are discussed. The image and associated regulations are then contrasted with the reality of the widows' struggle to survive. It is argued that many widows perceived their age and widowhood as less of a burden and more as a form of liberation from the social and economic constrictions of married life. As widows developed strategies to reorganize their lives, friendships with other women were often decisive.     

Rural widows,economy and co-residence in the 18th and 19th centuries

Widows in the past have often been viewed either as poor and lonely or living under the control of their family members. The aim of this article is to show that the situation of widows in the 18th and 19th century Nordic countries does not necessarily correspond with these images. Law and custom provided landholding women with a certain amount of economic security in widowhood, and it seems to be relatively clear that women knew how to make use of their position. However, the frequency of co-habitation between mothers and children also indicates the creation and maintaining of mutually supportive strategies. The increasing stratification of 19th century society did on the other hand inflate the group of widows without property. As a result of running a household without a production element these widows had a greater need to launch their children into the labour market and therefore found themselves in greater need of assistance from the community in old age.     

Rural widows,economy and co-residence in the 18th and 19th centuries

Widows in the past have often been viewed either as poor and lonely or living under the control of their family members. The aim of this article is to show that the situation of widows in the 18th and 19th century Nordic countries does not necessarily correspond with these images. Law and custom provided landholding women with a certain amount of economic security in widowhood, and it seems to be relatively clear that women knew how to make use of their position. However, the frequency of co-habitation between mothers and children also indicates the creation and maintaining of mutually supportive strategies. The increasing stratification of 19th century society did on the other hand inflate the group of widows without property. As a result of running a household without a production element these widows had a greater need to launch their children into the labour market and therefore found themselves in greater need of assistance from the community in old age.     

Becoming widowed: Rural widows in lower Austria, 1788–1848

This article discusses the characteristics of widowhood in early 19th-century Austria, focusing on the sources of economic support. Higher proportions of the widowed population were found in inmate than in tenant households, and more women than men were widowed. Widows were more likely to live on their own than adults in general were, indicating that many widows could support their households from their own resources. For 40% of the widows, however, familial support was available in the form of a coresident extended household. Tenant households with greater resources at their disposal were better able to offer this form of support than inmate households. Less than 1% of tenant widows lived alone. Longitudinal data were analyzed to determine the relative frequency with which tenant and inmate widows succeeded their late husbands as household heads, remarried, or retired to become the mothers or mothers-in-law of the new household heads.     

Becoming widowed

This article discusses the characteristics of widowhood in early 19th-century Austria, focusing on the sources of economic support. Higher proportions of the widowed population were found in inmate than in tenant households, and more women than men were widowed. Widows were more likely to live on their own than adults in general were, indicating that many widows could support their households from their own resources. For 40% of the widows, however, familial support was available in the form of a coresident extended household. Tenant households with greater resources at their disposal were better able to offer this form of support than inmate households. Less than 1% of tenant widows lived alone. Longitudinal data were analyzed to determine the relative frequency with which tenant and inmate widows succeeded their late husbands as household heads, remarried, or retired to become the mothers or mothers-in-law of the new household heads.     

Widowhood options and strategies in preindustrial northern Europe: Socioeconomic differences in household position of the widowed in 18th and 19th century Finland

This article reassesses the variety of demographic, social, and economic forces that shaped the residence patterns of widowed and intergenerational relationships in northern Europe in the past. Factors considered include occupational status (landholders and landless), retirement contracts, system of poor relief, age at widowhood, and number of children surviving from previous marriages. Detailed findings are presented for two communities in southwestern Finland. Women in rural western Finland should not be viewed as helpless or dependent. Legally they might never have been the equals of men, but if their lives were affected by a number of restrictions so were those of men. Cooperation with kin and the creation of strategies for maintaining the family land were not unique to southwestern Finland. The stem family indeed had the capacity to act as an institution providing for the maintenance of the old and the young whenever it was supported by stable property. The possibility that this property might pass from the family to nonrelatives provided the motive for detailed retirement contracts. Such contracts did not signal intergenerational tension with the parental generation trying to protect its interests in the face of pressure from the children, as Gaunt [The property and kin relationships of retired farmers in northern and central Europe. In R. Wall (Ed.), Family forms in historic Europe (pp. 249–279). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press] has suggested. With the proletarianization of society in the 19th century, the proportion of poor widows increased. These paupers circulated among farms being taken care of for a specific time at each place. However, even in the late 19th century, landless widows usually did not reside alone.     

Widowhood options and strategies in preindustrial northern Europe

This article reassesses the variety of demographic, social, and economic forces that shaped the residence patterns of widowed and intergenerational relationships in northern Europe in the past. Factors considered include occupational status (landholders and landless), retirement contracts, system of poor relief, age at widowhood, and number of children surviving from previous marriages. Detailed findings are presented for two communities in southwestern Finland. Women in rural western Finland should not be viewed as helpless or dependent. Legally they might never have been the equals of men, but if their lives were affected by a number of restrictions so were those of men. Cooperation with kin and the creation of strategies for maintaining the family land were not unique to southwestern Finland. The stem family indeed had the capacity to act as an institution providing for the maintenance of the old and the young whenever it was supported by stable property. The possibility that this property might pass from the family to nonrelatives provided the motive for detailed retirement contracts. Such contracts did not signal intergenerational tension with the parental generation trying to protect its interests in the face of pressure from the children, as Gaunt [The property and kin relationships of retired farmers in northern and central Europe. In R. Wall (Ed.), Family forms in historic Europe (pp. 249–279). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press] has suggested. With the proletarianization of society in the 19th century, the proportion of poor widows increased. These paupers circulated among farms being taken care of for a specific time at each place. However, even in the late 19th century, landless widows usually did not reside alone.     

Remembering Benalla migrant camp

Abstract

The former migrant camp at Benalla (1949–1967) is one of the least publicly remembered of twenty-three similar centres which provided temporary housing for non-British arrivals in post-war Australia. One of Benalla’s keenest observers saw it as ‘a sad and tragic camp where widows and single mothers were sent’. Another claimed that, as a consequence, it had ‘peculiar difficulties’. The camp ended miserably with the forced relocation of several widows and their families who had been resident in Benalla’s ‘short-term accommodation’ ever since their arrival in Australia seventeen years before. Migrant camps, like Benalla, are difficult heritage places. They raise embarrassing questions about discrimination against the non-British, family separation, forced movement and the inadequacy of support services for the most vulnerable. Benalla has hitherto seen no grand camp reunion, plaque, memorial, public history or heritage listing which raises questions about the perceptions and experiences of the facility while it operated and broader questions about remembering and heritage-making. Benalla was a unique migrant centre and as such provides rare insight into the place of single refugee women and their children within the frames of national/state, local and migrant family heritage.     

Women's response to intimate partner violence

The responses of women to a situation of abuse by their partner has hardly been addressed in the literature. Using a self-administered, anonymous questionnaire, 400 women attending three practices in a primary health care center in Granada (Spain) were studied. The women's response to abuse was used as a dependent variable. Sociodemographics, intensity, duration, and combination of the types of abuse were used as independent variables. Lifetime prevalence of any type of partner abuse was 22.8%. Of abused women, 68% showed an active response, attempting to resolve the situation mainly through separation (58.2%). The factors independently associated with a woman's active response were being separated, widowed, or divorced; reporting a greater intensity of abuse; and being younger than age 35 years. The results of this study show that a large majority of abused women in Spain try to resolve their situation, and that they are not passive victims.