共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
China is evolving—it is becoming modern and international—but its trajectory will never intersect with the West’s. Fortunes
have waxed and waned over thousands of years, but Chinese civilization has remained apart. Enduring fundamentals—morality
rooted in stability, anti-individualism and a micro-analytic, balance-obsessed worldview—both fuel contemporary growth and
preclude China’s ascendance as a superpower capable of projecting values abroad. A unifying “Confucian Conflict” between trenchant
ambition and diffused anxiety also explains the actions and attitudes of ordinary Chinese people. This “street level” article
articulates an “insecure or safe” continuum of twelve quintessentially behavioral characteristics that are observed in all
realms of contemporary life including diplomacy, business, consumer behavior and social structure. They are: Ritualistic Observation,
Robotic Depersonalization, Hierarchical Regimentation, Anxious Self-protection, Trust Facilitation, Pragmatic Elasticity,
Incremental Progression, Released Repression, Confidence Projection, Epic Ambition, Scaled Mobilization and Joyful Celebration. 相似文献
2.
Shareen Hertel 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(3):102-118
This article challenges key aspects of theories on norms evolution, transnational advocacy, and social movements. It demonstrates
that the “emergence” phase of the “norms life cycle” model (Finnemore and Sikkink 1998) is more internally contested than
currently interpreted. It develops two alternatives to the “boomerang” model of transnational advocacy (Keck and Sikkink 1998).
It highlights and explains differences—rather than similarities—in the framing strategies of actors involved in globalized
protests. It explores the influence of several key “microsociological factors” (Giugni 2002) on the evolution of those stragegies.
Empirically the article focuses on the World Trade Organization's Third Ministerial meeting at Seattle in 1999. It analyzes
why and how social movement actors framed different interpretations of the human rights at stake in the context of international
trade. Framing innovations may have had short-term strategic value at Seattle, but did not lead to a unified understanding
of human rights, either among activists themselves or among the government and corporate actors they sought to influence through
protest. 相似文献
3.
Mark DaCosta Alleyne 《Human Rights Review》2004,5(3):103-116
This paper proposes a new way of measuring progress in international politics, an approach that focuses on the symbolic and
ideological work of international organizations. Although such a strategy is not entirely new to the study of International
Relations, it has not been a common, accessible way of assessing how well international organizations work to effect change.
The more famous methods have been legalistic—investigations of how international organizations have created new international law in the issue-areas under investigation1—and bureaucratic—studies of how international organizations create machinery to deal with the problems2. But in a world where domestic and international discourse is more mediated than ever before by television, radio, the Internet,
newspapers, and other means of mass communication, the argument here is that propaganda is a third arena that must be taken into account when exploring the work of international organizations. The international
organization in question here is the United Nations, and the issue-area examined is gender equality, a topic that is also
variously described as “women's rights,” “women's issues”, or the “women's movement”. The paper explains first why the topic
of the UN and women's rights is important, I then examine the propaganda role of the UN in the struggle for gender equality,
and the paper concludes with a critical analysis of the UN's propaganda work in relation to this issue. 相似文献
4.
The sports that billions follow in the world were largely creations of the “first globalization” under the aegis of 19th century
Britain and — to a lesser extent — the United States and Canada. While their cultural dominance in their spaces of hegemonic
existence have not abated, the current process of what has been termed the “second globalization” in the paper creates new
realities that challenge the dominance of these established sports. Global stars are major agents in this re-structuration
who, by dint of their amazing achievements on the global playing fields and courts, and sports’ inherently meritocratic nature
tied to the salience of winning, foster a climate of cosmopolitanism. 相似文献
5.
Jean-Marc F. Blanchard 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2011,16(1):91-108
Chinese outward foreign direct investment (COFDI) has captured the imagination of international business academics, journalists,
and analysts of Chinese foreign economic policy. While these students of COFDI have added greatly to our knowledge, they have
not adequately considered the politico-economy of COFDI. Specifically, they have not sufficiently evaluated the degree to
which COFDI is driven by political versus economic considerations, the extent to which political considerations influence
the overseas operations of Chinese multinational corporations (MNCs), or the political ramifications of COFDI for host countries,
international institutions, or China’s interactions with third parties. Reviewing the Western literature, this article provides
useful background information about COFDI, distills two general schools of thought about the politico-economy of COFDI—i.e.,
the “Beijing as Puppeteer” camp and the “Business of Business is Business” camp, and highlights a number of shortcomings with
each. As well, it suggests a number of ways in which the extant literature can move forward and makes clear the importance
of tracking the development of Chinese MNCs. 相似文献
6.
Then newly elected Labor Prime Minister, Kevin Rudd, made a historic statement of “Sorry” for past injustices to Australian
Indigenous peoples at the opening of the 2008 federal parliament. In the long-standing absence of a constitutional ‘foundational
principle’ to shape positive federal initiatives in this context, there has been speculation that the emphatic Sorry Statement
may presage formal constitutional recognition. The debate is long overdue in a nation that only overturned the legal fiction
of terra nullius and recognised native title to lan with the High Court’s decision in Mabo in 1992. This article explores
the implications of the Sorry Statement in the context of reparations for the generations removed from their families under
assimilation policies (known since the Bringing Them Home Inquiry as the Stolen Generations). We draw out the utility of recent human rights statutes—such as the Human Rights Act 2004 (ACT)—as a mechanism for facilitating justice, including compensation for past wrongs. Our primary concern here is whether
existing legal processes in Australia hold further capacity to provide reparation for Australian Indigenous peoples or whether
their potential in that regard is already exhausted. We compare common law and statutory developments in other international
jurisdictions, such as Canada, as an indication of what can be achieved by the law to facilitate better legal, economic and
social outcomes for Indigenous peoples. The year 2008 also saw Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper express his apology
to residential school victims in the Canadian Parliament, providing thematic and symbolic echoes across these two former colonies,
which, despite remaining under the British monarchy, both forge their own path into the future, while confronting their own
unique colonial past. We suggest that the momentum provided by the recent public apology and statement of “Sorry” by the newly
elected Australian Prime Minister must not be lost. This symbolic utterance as a first act of the 2008 parliamentary year
stood in stark contrast to the long-standing recalcitrance of the former Prime Minister John Howard on the matter of a formal
apology. Rather than a return to a law enforcement-inspired “three strikes and you’re out” approach, Australia stands poised
for an overdue constitutional and human rights-inspired “three ‘sorries’ and you’re in”. 相似文献
7.
Panu Minkkinen 《Human Rights Review》2007,8(2):33-51
Taking as its starting point the commonly held claim about the obscurity of the concept of sovereignty, the article first
identifies a fundamental paradox between the classical Westphalian notion of state sovereignty and human rights. In the rhetoric
of international politics, attempts to establish the responsibility of states to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms
within their jurisdictions are often countered with claims referring to the “sovereign equality” of all states and the subsequent
principle of non-intervention. The article suggests that in a more contemporary understanding of sovereignty the responsibility
of a state to respect human rights and fundamental freedoms is seen as a constituent ingredient of the state itself. The chapter
continues to elaborate how this change has come about. The classical notion of sovereignty is illustrated through a reading
of Bodin’s Six Books of the Commonwealth (1576). In Bodin’s world, sovereignty is a constitutive element of the state, and
the possibility of a multitude of sovereign entities in a global world logically denying the possibility of any “supra-national”
normative framework is still a minor consideration. This possibility is only worked out with the emergence of international
law. In both classics such as Emmerich de Vattel’s The Law of Nations (1758) and more contemporary treatises such as Lassa
Oppenheim’s International Law (1905), state sovereignty has become conditional to recognition by other sovereign states and
a subsequent membership in the “family of nations.” The conditional membership in the “family of nations” involves a contradiction:
a sovereign state must act in a “dignified” manner, it must use its sovereignty with “restraint” by respecting the human rights
and fundamental freedoms of its citizens, i.e., it must employ its sovereignty in a non-sovereign way. This restriction of
sovereignty, addressed as “ethical sovereignty,” becomes a constitutive element in a post-Westphalian state and a central
ingredient in the contemporary doctrine of humanitarian intervention. The article further criticizes the various uses (and
abuses) of “ethical sovereignty” in the regulation of “failing” and “rogue” states and concludes by identifying its general
political dangers. Finally, with reference to Jacques Derrida’s Rogues (2003), the article suggests a more radical reappraisal
of the concept of sovereignty.
It is a fact that sovereignty is a term used without any well-recognised meaning except that of supreme authority. Under these
circumstances those who do not want to interfere in a mere scholastic controversy must cling to the facts of life and the
practical, though abnormal and illogical, condition of affairs.1
—Lassa Oppenheim
But to invoke the concept of national sovereignty as in itself a decisional factor is to fall back on a word which has an
emotive quality lacking meaningful specific content. It is to substitute pride for reason.2
—Eli Lauterpacht 相似文献
8.
Kristina A. Bentley 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(4):48-68
This paper is about conflicts of rights, and the particularly difficult challenges that such conflicts present when they entail
women’s equality and claims of cultural recognition. South Africa since 1994 has presented a series of challenging—but by
no means unique—circumstances many of which entail conflicting claims of rights. The central aim of this paper is, to make
sense of the idea that the institution of traditional leadership can be sustained—and indeed given new, more concrete powers—in
a democracy; and to explore the implications that this has for women’s equality and equal human rights. This is a particularly
pertinent question in the South African context, and I think it is worth reiterating from the outset that there is a distinct
impression that women’s equality is always “up for grabs” when other, perhaps more powerful interests, come into play, in
a way that would be unacceptable for other aspects of identity, and therefore signifiers of equality. It would be inconceivable,
for example, to countenance a claim for a hierarchical racial arrangement in a given community, no matter how deeply culturally entrenched that arrangement was, and regardless of how
much support it (ostensibly) had from the community concerned. I think therefore that we are obliged to ask difficult questions
about the new legislation on traditional leadership, and to put it under the microscope of political theory in assessing the
claim that this is one way of recognizing people’s rights and freedoms in a new democracy.
The Traditional Leadership and Governance Framework Act 2003, omits reference to the “powers” of traditional leaders, but rather refers to “functions and roles” which was regarded
as something of a victory for women’s rights groups. However, the Commission on Gender Equality (CGE) and others point out
that this victory has been all but nullified by the Communal Land Rights Act, 2004, which allocates powers of land administration to traditional councils, which are headed by traditional leaders. In
any event, the “functions and roles” that traditional leaders are allocated in terms of the 2003 Act are sufficiently extensive
that they may be seen to allocate “power” with the reference to lesser competence appearing to be a mere semantic device for
the sake of compromise. 相似文献
9.
Market distortions are generally caused by the state or social institutions. This paper discusses the social distortions of
the Chinese market through examining a “Chinese style” labor market-the community-based labor markets. Along with the now
standard argument emphasizing the role of the state, this paper concludes that the “right kind” of societal distortions or
control of the market have been crucial to the phenomenal success of the Chinese marketization and the seemingly puzzling
political and social stability in that country. Besides contending for the general “necessity” of market distortions, this
paper calls for further studies on the significant role of social institutions in contemporary China. 相似文献
10.
Gerald J. Beyer 《Human Rights Review》2005,6(4):5-31
Many of the debates concerning the existence of economic rights obfuscate the meaning of the possession of a right to an economic
good. In order to provide clarification, several theoretical questions must be probed. This essay explores each of these issues
in order to demonstrate that greater conceptual clarity repudiates the arguments against the existence of economic rights.
It also seeks to attenuate the vexing problem of necessary and painful tradeoffs between competing rights claims. The final
portion of this essay heuristically demonstrates how greater conceptual clarity can aid us in dealing with complex policy
issues involving competing rights claims.
The phase “Nonsense on stilts” is borrowed from Jeremy Bentham’s refutation pf “Natural” rights. Jeremy Bentham, “Anarchical
Fallacies” in Human Rights, ed. A.I.Melden (Belmont, CA: Wadsworth, 1970), 30–31. 相似文献
11.
12.
Israel W. Charny 《Human Rights Review》2000,1(3):15-39
Conclusion The problem of revisionism, or efforts to deny and censor the incontrovertible history of known genocides, is a growing one.
It is now clear that denial is inevitably a phase of the genocidal process, extending far beyond the immediate politically
expedient denials of governments who are currently engaging in genocidal massacre or have just recently done so—i.e., the
Chinese government's abject denials of the killings of some 5,000 in Tiananmen Square, or the Sri Lanka government's denials
of the state-organized massacre of 5,000 Tamil. Denials of genocide continue long after the event by a variety of groups and
people, including successor governments or successor enemies of the victim people, such as anti-Semites against Jews, Turks
against Armenians, and bigots and celebrants of violence and murder of all sorts. But such denials also occur—and this is
the most perplexing fact—among a variety of not obviously malevolent people, including intellectuals who, in the process of
calling for a better world, effectively exonerate, support, encourage, and participate in denials of a known genocide, implicitly
condoning and even celebrating its occurrence, meanings, and portents for the future. This article is an effort to study and
analyze this latter phenomenon, which has been little recognized. Together with previous essays on the psychology of more
explicit malevolent denials of genocide, the intention is to generate a broader psychological theory of denials of genocide
and revisionism by proposing that there are also a variety of “innocent denials” of the factual reality or significance of
known cases of genocide, and a variety of “innocent disavowals of violence” which in truth celebrate the violence. These “innocent
denials” join with the well-known explicit bigots in creating a vast panorama of dangerous denials of genocides and implicit
calls to new genocides in our world.
The basic thesis of this article has been under development since its first presentation in a plenary address at the Soviet
Academy of sciences in Yerevan, Armenia in 1990 on the occasion of the seventy-fifth anniversary of the Armenian Genocide. 相似文献
13.
Daniel J. Mahoney 《Society》2009,46(1):12-20
The French political thinker Raymond Aron (1905–1983) provides the imitable model of the political philosopher as civic educator.
Writing in an age of extreme ideological polarization, he aimed at a truly balanced approach to historical and political understanding.
In a series of writings from the late 1930’s onward, Aron defended a principled middle way between Machiavellian cynicism
and the “abstract moralism” so evident in the public engagement of modern intellectuals. Aron argued for the renewal of liberalism
on the foundation of a broad-based “democratic conservatism” and displayed remarkable lucidity regarding the totalitarian
temptation. This paper explores this distinctive notion of “democratic conservatism”—equally distant from revolutionary romanticism
and reactionary nostalgia—that guided Aron’s public engagement over a fifty-year period and that was central to his idea of
the political responsibility of intellectuals.
相似文献
Daniel J. MahoneyEmail: |
14.
Eric Margolis 《Society》1989,26(2):77-83
He used videotape to conduct an ethnogrpahic study of western coal miners. “Out of the Depths—The Miners’ Story” was broadcast
as an episode of the Public Broadcasting System seriesA Walk Through the 20th Century will Bill Moyers. 相似文献
15.
The CCP government has adopted a very pragmatic strategy of “performance legitimacy” since China began its reform. It means
that the government relies on accomplishing concrete goals such as economic growth, social stability, strengthening national
power, and “good governance” (governing competence and accountability) to retain its legitimacy. While it is able to attain
considerable domestic support by implementing this strategy, it has no particular interest in pursuing democratization. This
chapter tries to make sense of the main reasons why it has adopted this strategy and to evaluate the political and social
outcome of its policies. The chapter intends to discover if China’s adaptation strategy is a “path dependent” decision, and
if it will function as a potential catalyst for significant political change in the future. The chapter also explores what
the Chinese government has achieved through its adaptation strategy and what and why it has been unwilling or unable to do
to obtain an “original justification” of power. Zhu skillfully travels back and forth between the terrains of theory and practice
to make better sense of legitimacy and governance in China’s experiences. 相似文献
16.
Based on extensive field research that the author has conducted in eastern Germany since the fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989,
this essay discusses the history of communist education in East Germany and its relevance for Western education today. Among
the topics addressed are the differences between “propaganda” and “enlightenment” according to communist ideology, the structure
of the East German system of education and extracurriculars, how that system fostered “textbook Reds,” and how its curricular
materials portrayed the USA. 相似文献
17.
The conventional sovereignty that has prevailed for the past several centuries restricts the options open to ethnic minorities
in multiethnic populations that are subject to a single sovereign authority. Minorities will either trend toward integration
with majority populations or else the direction of change will be toward separation and the establishment of new, smaller
sovereign states. There are serious problems with both options. The present proposal is for a form of diluted or “attenuated”
sovereignty whereby, in its most basic form, a particular ethnic minority would be afforded limited sovereignty in a specified
area within an existing sovereign state’s overall territory. An attenuated-sovereignty government established in the specified
area would be answerable to—and have authority over—only those persons of the designated ethnic minority who have opted to
affiliate themselves with it. Distinctive to this proposal, all other persons, irrespective of their ethnicity, could remain
in the delimited area and remain subject to the pre-existing, conventionally sovereign authority. This proposal includes various
strategies to make attenuated sovereignty a practical, workable option. The notion of attenuated sovereignty is not as fantastical
as it may seem at first glance. Re this assertion, the conventionally sovereign state is everywhere at bay. Its best days
are behind it. Under the circumstances, in some situations, attenuated sovereignty could prove advantageous to both ethnic
minorities and majority populations willing to accommodate them in the creative manner here proposed. 相似文献
18.
Josef Gregory Mahoney 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):135-166
This work discusses why Marxist vanguard parties require ideology in their struggle to gain and maintain political power.
Despite being considered theoretically inconsistent with classical Marxism and western vernacular, I chart etymologically
how “ideology” came to China and proliferated during the Mao era as a positively framed term via, in all likelihood, Japanese
renderings of Leninism. After discussing ideological challenges under Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin, I explore whether Hu
Jintao’s scientific development and harmony concepts might be understood as ideological campaigns which—by synthesizing Maoist
and Dengist approaches to ideology—effectively address what otherwise be referred to as the Party’s telos problem, and thus resolve in part the threat to the Party’s vanguard claim.
Josef Gregory Mahoney is Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies and East Asian Studies at Grand Valley State University. Recent publications include: “On the Way to Harmony: Marxism, Confucianism, and Hu Jintao’s Hexie Concept” in China in Search of a Harmonious Society, Sujian Guo and Baogang Guo, Eds. (2008); “Rise of China and Pragmatic Marxism,” Political Affairs: The Journal of Marxist Thought (2008); and (with Xiuling Li) “A Marxist Perspective on Chinese Reforms: An Interview with Jiexiong Yi,” in a Science and Society special issue on China (forthcoming 2009). He invites correspondence and can be reached via mahoneyg@gvsu.edu. 相似文献
Josef Gregory MahoneyEmail: |
Josef Gregory Mahoney is Assistant Professor of Liberal Studies and East Asian Studies at Grand Valley State University. Recent publications include: “On the Way to Harmony: Marxism, Confucianism, and Hu Jintao’s Hexie Concept” in China in Search of a Harmonious Society, Sujian Guo and Baogang Guo, Eds. (2008); “Rise of China and Pragmatic Marxism,” Political Affairs: The Journal of Marxist Thought (2008); and (with Xiuling Li) “A Marxist Perspective on Chinese Reforms: An Interview with Jiexiong Yi,” in a Science and Society special issue on China (forthcoming 2009). He invites correspondence and can be reached via mahoneyg@gvsu.edu. 相似文献
19.
Yang Zhong 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(4):335-342
This article attempts to discuss the debate about “indigenizing political science in China” from the logic of comparative
politics. The author believes that the phrase “indigenizing political science in China” is misleading at best and destructive
to political science development in China at worst. The logic of comparative politics is the same as other comparative social
sciences: namely, it is the process of replacing proper names and treating tempo and spatial factors as potential variables
contributing to the explanation of political phenomena. As social scientists, we should not be content in using “local Chinese
conditions” or “special Chinese cultural factors” to explain political behavior and phenomena in China. Instead, we should
decompose the “special Chinese conditions” and “cultural factors” for the deeper meaning of these conditions and factors so
that we can conceptualize and elevate these conditions and factors to a theoretical level. In short, the author favors making
political science study in China more scientific and argues that the future of political science studies in China lies in
replacing the proper name “China” or “Chinese”. 相似文献
20.
Shobita Parthasarathy 《Policy Sciences》2011,44(3):267-288
Over the past few decades, a variety of groups have begun to argue that the US and European patent systems do not adequately
represent the public interest in their decision making and that they need to undergo fundamental changes to their structure
and orientation. These challengers have adopted similar strategies—in terms of the venues chosen and the arguments, evidence,
and rhetoric used—in each context. However, they have experienced more success in Europe than in the United States. This paper
begins to explain this difference by arguing that the US and European patent policy domains have different “expertise barriers”—formal
and informal rules that make it difficult for those without the knowledge that is recognized as relevant and legitimate in
that domain to engage as equals. 相似文献