以跨喜马拉雅合作为战略支点构建中国西部边疆“安全三角”

"一带一路"建设实际上是中国国家"西向"发展的具体要求,是"西部边疆安全"寻求地区发展的重要支撑,更是实现国际国内两个区域联动发展的关键所在。因此,中国的未来发展决不能够孤立地去将"一带一路"、"次区域合作"与"西部边疆安全"区分为不同的战略,而是应该用联系的眼光将西部地区的安全与发展置于"一带一路"建设背景之下,要头顶"国际视野"的蓝天,脚踏"国内发展"的大地,以更为开放的姿态去实现西部地区的"安全"发展。对此,本文提出以"喜马拉雅合作"为核心深入进行"国内发展的国际化",充分利用两洋三亚的"疆-巴通道"、"藏-尼通道"以及"滇-缅通道",谋求实现国际国内两个平台"安全合作"的无缝对接。     

泛北部湾经济合作转型升级的“助推器”——论中新互联互通南向通道在泛北部湾经济合作转型升级中的作用

"因海而生"的泛北部湾经济合作走过了十余年的非凡历程,目前正迎来转型升级的历史性契机。笔者认为,中国与新加坡共建的"南向通道"将成为泛北部湾经济合作转型升级的"助推器",主要体现在:一是促进泛北部湾区域交通网络发展;二是推动泛北部湾区域经济合作与发展;三是推动泛北部湾经济合作升级为中国—东盟互联互通枢纽区和"一带一路"海陆统筹核心区的引擎;四是促进泛北部湾经济合作"民心相通"的纽带。     

全国沿边开放新模式对广西沿边开放新思路的重要启示

目前全国沿边地区掀起了参与"一带一路"和新一轮沿边开放的热潮,并形成了黑龙江实施"大沿边"开放战略型、云南打造国际重要战略通道型、辽宁沿海沿江沿边内陆开放互动型等开放新模式。广西应充分借鉴兄弟省区的成功经验和做法,实施以面向东盟为重点的"大沿边"开放战略,把沿边开放摆到与沿海沿江开放同等重要的战略位置,重新认识、高度重视和重振柳州老工业重镇,着力构建沿海沿江沿边内陆开放新格局,把建设西南国际航运中心作为新一轮扩大开放的总抓手,加速推进面向东盟的国际大通道建设,积极推动广西和云南面向东盟的沿边地区开发开放带上升为国家战略,加快把广西建设成为中国—东盟战略合作新高地、我国西南中南地区开放发展新的战略支点、"一带一路"有机衔接的重要门户。     

抓住“三大战略定位”机遇 加快广西沿边开发开放

改革开放以来,广西沿边地区开发开放取得了巨大成就,但与沿海发达地区相比,广西沿边开发开放还处于蓄势待发阶段,必须紧紧抓住国家赋予"国际通道、战略支点、重要门户"战略定位的新机遇,采取有效措施,加快推进沿边开发开放各项工作。     

中国沿海沿边内陆地区构建对东盟开放型经济分析——以广东、广西、云南、四川为例

中国—东盟自由贸易区建立后,中国沿海、沿边、内陆地区充分发挥各自优势,抓住战略机遇,竞相掀起了构建对东盟开放型经济的新高潮。共性是：实行积极主动的对东盟开放战略;重点深化与东盟的经贸合作;搭建开放合作平台,完善开放合作机制;加快实施＂走出去＂战略。区别是：东部沿海地区实施＂双转移＂战略;西部内陆地区重点是加快综合交通枢纽建设,深化与周边省市合作;西部沿边地区重点是参与国际多区域合作,加大边境经济合作区和国际大通道建设。本文研究提出新形势下推进泛珠三角区域创新开放模式构建对东盟开放型经济的新思路。     

中国沿边开放新阶段新特征及广西沿边开放新站位

当前,中国沿边开放已经进入经略周边和共建"一带一路"新阶段,呈现出新的特征,要求广西谋划沿边开放视野要宽、站位要高,不能就沿边开放论沿边开放。广西要跳出沿边地区看沿边开放,着眼于服务国家周边外交战略,着眼于服务和推进中国—东盟战略合作,着眼于服务中国西南、中南地区开放发展,把广西的沿边开放、沿海开放、沿江开放和内陆开放等统筹起来,实施"大沿边"开放战略,一体规划,一体部署,一体推进,形成沿海沿江沿边内陆开放良性互动发展的新格局,加快把广西建设成为中国—东盟战略合作新高地和中国西南、中南地区开放发展新的战略支点。     

扩大沿边开放与黑龙江省对俄经贸合作转型简

黑龙江省和内蒙古东北部地区沿边开发开放上升为国家战略,为黑龙江省加快对俄经贸合作转型提供了难得机遇.新形势下,黑龙江省要巩固对俄开放第一大省地位,加快推进对俄经贸合作转型升级,应力争在谋划重大项目投资、合作商业模式选择、推进“两抓”战略、垂直产业双向联动、加快合作平台建设、提升对俄远东合作、布局对俄西部合作上实现新突破.     

沿边开放新良机与桂台合作新空间

当前,中国沿边地区正在掀起新一轮开发开放的浪潮。广西既沿海又沿边,地处中国与东盟合作的最前沿,在全国沿边地区新一轮开发开放中将打造东盟合作高地;广西边境线是中国的"黄金边境线",在建设21世纪海上丝绸之路和沿边开发开放中具有重要战略地位。沿边地区开发开放新浪潮将给广西与台湾拓展合作新空间带来新良机,桂台可在跨境旅游、口岸经济、沿边金融综合改革试验区建设、跨境经济合作区建设、开拓东盟市场、互联互通建设等方面拓展合作新领域新空间,实现互利共赢发展,把桂台合作提升到一个新水平。     

“飞地”模式：中俄地区合作的新尝试

随着中俄两国政府推进毗邻地区合作不断深化,迫切需要东北地区各省区间加强合作,形成整体合力.而"飞地"模式不失为一种有益的尝试,其战略意义在于,可以推动东北地区"沿海"与"沿边"开发开放战略的互动.     

广西崇左市面向东盟开放与合作研究

广西崇左市与东盟山水相连,向东盟开放与合作具有比较好的天然条件.在中国和东盟国家建设自由贸易区的背景下,崇左市发挥自身优势,扩大面向东盟开放,积极参与东盟合作,把崇左市建设成为中国与东盟合作发展的重要陆路通道.     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

美苏政治文化差异与冷战起源

一国政治文化对国家对外决策有不可忽视的影响。美苏政治文化中相互冲突的部分对两国战后初期外交决策以及冷战爆发产生重要影响，国家间的政治文化沟通对处理国家间相互关系具有重要意义。     

Strengthen the Communication Among the Youth and Enhance the Mutual Understanding and Trust

AttheinvitationoftheInternationalInitiativesofChangeAssociationofJapanIICAJIaccompa-niedMr.LiYangCouncilMemberofChineseAs-sociationforInternationalUnderstandingCAFIUonthevisittoJapanfromJune10to18andat-tendedthe27thInternationalConferenceoftheInitiativeofChangeinOdawara.DuringourstaythereweseparatelymetwithTutomuHataAdvi-sortotheIICAJandformerPrimeMinisterofJapanSomaYukikaHonoraryPresidentofIICAJToruHashimotoPresidentofIICAJandAdvisortotheJapanMizuhoFinancialGroupandD…     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

抗击经济衰退：象和龙

由美国引发的经济危机已经席卷全球,无论是西方发达国家和地区如日本、欧盟,还是发展中国家如印度、中国,都已笼罩在全球经济衰退的阴影中。本文探讨作为正在崛起的亚洲大国——印度和中国,应采取怎样的措施遏制全球经济危机对本国经济造成更严重的伤害,以及印中两国如何借鉴对方在应对经济危机过程中采取的有效政策以尽快重新走上经济发展的正轨。     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.     

Caught between Europe and the orient: Israel and the EMP

As the case of Transnistria illustrates, the politico-economic arrangements of de facto states are marked by a tendency to sacrifice the economy to political objectives. Despite non-recognition and limited local resources, these entities manage to make use of their ambiguous status and external support to sustain their claims to statehood. Yet, the priority of these claims over economic development, as well as strategies of survival in general can have unintended effects on unrecognised state-building projects, such as the emergence of a spin-off opposition or public disillusionment.     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

当代俄罗斯贫富分化的危机与超越

俄罗斯由转型而引发的贫富差距问题,对社会造成了许多负面影响,比如,道德规范下降,公民淡漠政治,公信力大大降低等。现如今,俄罗斯的贫富差距并没有消除,但整个社会形势却不断好转,人民的乐观情绪不断增长,国家也在稳定中不断走向复兴。从这些现实状况来看,俄罗斯社会似乎摆脱了贫富分化的纠结,已然超越到了另一个发展阶段。俄罗斯转型期的公共政策、阶层分化模式、阶层状况等一些措施与现实,不失为解释这两种情势变换更迭的有效途径。