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Jolanta Aidukaite 《Communist and Post》2009,42(1):23-39
This paper reviews some theoretical and empirical literature written on welfare state development in post-communist Eastern Europe in the light of the theories and approaches that have been developed to study affluent capitalist democracies. The aim of this discussion is to critically reassess the old welfare state theories, definitions and approaches and their implications regarding the study of post-communist Eastern Europe.The paper ends with the conclusion that the exclusion of ‘communist’ countries for more than twenty years from welfare state theorising has created an empirical and theoretical gap. This creates fresh challenges for welfare state research and calls for a new paradigm. It is evident that the not so well explored Eastern European region with regards to social policy research suggests that it is necessary not only to test already existing welfare state theories, definitions, typologies and approaches on these countries, but also to advance them. 相似文献
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Lerman P 《The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science》1985,(479):132-155
Before America began creating a federally based welfare state in the 1930s, most publicly funded responses to social problems had an institutional bias. The ways in which the welfare programs initiated 50 years ago have helped to influence institutional trends, and are likely to continue doing so in the future, constitute the major focus of this analysis. Four special problem groups are assessed from a historical perspective: (1) the dependent aged and the movement from local almshouses and state insane asylums to nursing homes; (2) the mentally ill and the movement from state hospitals to a variety of local medical and nonmedical residences; (3) the developmentally disabled--formerly the mentally retarded--and the movement from state schools to private community residential facilities; and (4) the dependent/neglected and delinquent youth and the movement away from orphan asylums and training schools to group homes, treatment centers, adolescent psychiatric units, halfway houses, and outdoor camps. Recent trends and projections, as well as present and future policy issues, are assessed. 相似文献
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Decentralized government institutions are doing more of the work of government than ever before, but there is little agreement
about 1) what decentralization means, or 2) how it should be measured. To overcome this confusion, this article builds on
standard definitions of decentralization that include three core dimensions: fiscal, administrative, and political. The article
offers an empirical test of that definition using factor analysis of data from 1996 for sixty-eight countries. Factor analysis
confirms these three core dimensions and generates a score for each case in each dimension, allowing countries to be measured
according to their type and degree of decentralization. In future work, these scores can be used for hypothesis testing about
the causes and effects of decentralization on important social outcomes. This exercise demonstrates that conceptual confusion
need not hamper research when empirical tests can help verify conceptual categories.
Aaron Schneider is a political scientist at the Institute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex. His research
interests include comparative politics, public finance, and methodology. His current research projects include studies of
federalism, decentralization, party systems, budgeting, and taxation. He has conducted research in Brazil and India, and plans
to apply the measures derived in this article to study the impact of decentralization.
Tel:+44 (0)1273 678270; fax: +44 (0)1273 621202; email: a.schneider@ids.ac.uk. For valuable comments and suggestions, the
author would like to thank Mick Moore, Arnab Acharya, Marcus Kurtz, Benjamin Goldfrank, and anonymous reviewers from Studies
in Comparative International Development. Financial support was provided by the Department for International Development.
All errors or omissions are the author’s own. 相似文献
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This article uses panel survey data for Côte d'Ivoire to investigate the determinants of welfare gains and losses of households over time. A first‐difference model is estimated which takes account of initial conditions. For urban areas, it was found that human capital is not only a key explanatory factor for levels of welfare, but also the most important endowment to explain welfare changes over time. In rural areas, physical capital, especially land and farm equipment, mattered most. Household size and composition and socioeconomic characteristics of the household also affected welfare changes. Policy implications are discussed. 相似文献
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《Communist and Post》2014,47(1):59-69
This paper is designed to shed some light on possible impacts of globalization and Europeanization on social security reforms in one of the new EU member state - Lithuania. The paper is based on 67 expert interviews conducted with the political elite, academics, journalists, senior civil servants, interest group representatives and the economic elite. The paper highlights the higher influence of globalization through the activities of such supranational agencies as the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund compared to the impact of cognitive Europeanization on social security reforms. 相似文献
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Donald McGranahan 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(3):91-102
This paper is concerned with the semantics of indicators and the concepts of development. Procedures for the selection and validation of indicators are discussed. It is argued that the nature and scope of the indicators, as well as the nature of the quantitative analysis of relations between them, will depend on the conception and definition of development. The system model, which underlies the UNRISD measurement of development, is contrasted with other approaches. 相似文献
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Chandler A 《Nationalities Papers》2011,39(1):55-75
This paper offers hypotheses on the role that state social welfare measures can play in reflecting nationalism and in aggravating interethnic tensions. Social welfare is often overlooked in theoretical literature on nationalism, because of the widespread assumption that the welfare state promotes social cohesion. However, social welfare systems may face contradictions between the goal of promoting universal access to all citizens on the one hand, and social pressures to recognize particular groups in distinct ways on the other. Examples from the post-Soviet context (particularly Russia) are offered to illustrate the ways in which social welfare issues may be perceived as having ethnic connotations. 相似文献
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Paul Spicker 《Public administration》2005,83(2):345-365
A mode of operation defines a pattern of policy-making or approach to policy. This paper attempts to deconstruct the relationship between certain modes of operation, political ideology and specific techniques, using the main example of targeting. Targeting is commonly related to a number of other concepts, including selectivity, means-testing, conditionality, residual welfare, and rationing. The inter-connectedness of the issues is often taken for granted: residualism implies selectivity, selectivity is undertaken by means-testing, selectivity and means-testing are a form of targeting, targeting and conditionality substantially overlap, and all of them have played an important role in the development of arguments for the limitations on expenditure and the restriction of welfare provision. But the methods can be used in different systems, for different purposes. Means-testing is not the same thing as selectivity; selectivity is not the same thing as conditionality or targeting; rationing can take place in any kind of service; and none of these options is necessarily residualist. Modes of operation are often compounded with political aims, the structural context of policy, discussions of implementation and the application of specific policies. When the concepts are unravelled, it becomes possible to think of the methods and approaches involved in different ways. 相似文献
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This article explores the contentious ‘monetisation’ of in-kind benefits (l'goty) that converted them into cash allowances and redistributed responsibility for welfare provision between federal and local governments. We provide an empirical account of these reforms and discuss their implications for the conceptualisation, financing and regional dimensions of welfare provision in Russia. We find that budgetary pressures were not the primary motivation for the recent changes, nor were old forms of social provision fully abolished. Monetisation launched a process that shifts responsibility for well-being onto individuals and institutionalises the spatial differentiation of welfare provision. 相似文献
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Middle class is a social construct and a moniker so central to the identity politics of the United States that it has become a persistent part of the rhetoric of both major political parties. This article seeks to understand how the way in which people categorize themselves in social class matches the observable characteristics that might be used to objectively classify them into such groups. This article examines survey data from a national poll and finds that a majority of the respondents consider themselves members of the middle class. While those in the lowest and highest income categories are less likely to categorize themselves as middle class (controlling for other factors), many in these groups also consider themselves middle class. 相似文献
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Michael Tichelar 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(3):29-35
This article summarises research into a small number of local authorities on the use of performance indicators, carried out for the Local Government Management Board (LGMB) and the Policy and Performance Review Network (PPRN) in 1997, and concludes that home‐grown indicators developed in response to Best Value will overcome some of the inadequacies of the Audit Commission approach. 相似文献
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Jean Grugel 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(3):527-543
What happens to the politics of welfare in the Global South when neoliberal values are questioned? How is welfare re-imagined and re-enacted when governments seek to introduce progressive change? Latin America provides an illustration and a valuable entry point to debates about ‘interruptions’ of neoliberalism and the changing nature of social policy. Drawing on examples of disability policies in Ecuador and care provision in Uruguay, we argue that there is a ‘rights turn’ in welfare provision under the left that reflects a recognition that previous welfare models left too many people out, ethically and politically, as well as efforts to embed welfare more centrally in new patterns of respect for socio-economic and identity-based human rights. Given Latin America’s recent contestation of neoliberal development as well as its history of sometimes dramatic welfare shifts, the emergence of rights-based social provision is significant not just for the region but also in relation to global struggles for more equitable governance. 相似文献
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