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David Hundt 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(2):242-260
This article examines the neo-liberal reforms that the Kim government implemented in post-crisis Korea. It argues that by embracing the reforms, the state, paradoxically, re-legitimised itself in the national political economy. The process of enacting the reforms completed the power shift from a collusive state-chaebol alliance towards a new alliance based on a more populist social contract - but one that nonetheless generally conformed to the tenets of neo-liberalism. Kim and his closest associates identified the malpractices of the chaebols as the main cause of the crisis, so reforming the chaebols would be the key to economic recovery. Combining populism and neo-liberalism, they drew on support from both domestic and international sources to rein in, rather than nurture, the chaebols. 相似文献
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Hussin Mutalib 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(2):313-342
There are quite a number of ways by which politics in Singapore can be meaningfully approached. One perspective is to focus on the guiding beliefs and values of the People’s Action Party (PAP) governing elite and its nature of state governance since its assumption of power in 1959; it has ruled the state continuously since then. Its success in turning Singapore into a modern metropolis the envy of many has helped to buttress and legitimise its rule. Despite the growing criticisms, especially by the opposition parties, of the highly regulated manner by which the country has been managed, the PAP government, led by its first and former prime minister Lee Kuan Yew, and now by Goh Chok Tong, has unrepentantly stuck to its long-held world-view and governing paradigm. To the government, Singapore’s rapid economic growth and political stability could not have been achieved if the country were to follow the Western liberal democratic path and its attendant notions of development. While gradually allowing for greater citizen participation in the formulation of policies in more recent times, the present leadership, mindful of opening up a Pandora’s box, is still cautiously wary of the growth of a more pluralistic political environment; hence, its preference for what can be described as an illiberal, (soft) authoritarian democratic culture. Given this particular regime mindset and its parameters of governance, it is indeed a Herculean task for Opposition parties to make any significant inroads in the Republic’s future politics. However, all may not be lost for opposition parties and for those aspiring to see the evolution of a civil society. If they can capitalise on some probable future happenings—such as intra-party PAP factionalism consequent to the departure of the ‘old guard’, a prolonged economic downturn, and the rise of a new educated, IT generation—then their political future may hold some promise. 相似文献
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Matthew McCartney 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(8):1236-1237
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Neil Robinson 《欧亚研究》2013,65(3):450-472
Russia's recovery from the deep economic crisis it experienced in 2008–2009 did not deliver clear political dividends for the Russian leadership. This is because of the context in which the crisis occurred and the way that the leadership, particularly President Medvedev, and many of its critics described the crisis. The oil-fuelled boom that preceded the crisis had the effect of deepening it. Economic recovery based on rising energy prices looks like a failure, rather than a success, and highlights the underlying structural problems of the Russian economy. Arguments about the need for modernisation from within government exacerbated this perception. This seems to have weakened the connection between approval for the leadership and economic growth, a staple of pre-crisis politics. 相似文献
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Clive Jones 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(12):902-916
Beset by multiple security challenges, not least the emergence of a powerful Al Qaeda franchise, Yemen appears the antithesis of the “Weberian” state model. But while these challenges are acute, they should be seen as part of a wider “political field,” dominated by powerful tribes and conditioned by patrimonial networks that have long framed the modes of political exchange between the center and periphery. This remains crucial to understanding the wider eddies of tribal politics in Yemen, and in turn, the limits of a purely military response by Washington as it seeks to confront Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula. 相似文献
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Pamela Kea 《Canadian journal of African studies》2013,47(2):258-288
This article examines the intensification of Gambian girls’ domestic and farm labour contributions as a result of the introduction of double-shift schooling. Drawing on fieldwork among female farmers and their daughters in Brikama the article puts forth the following arguments: doubleshift schooling facilitates the intensification and increased appropriation of surplus value from girls’ household and farm labour because girls are more readily able to meet gendered labour obligations that are central to the moral economy of the household and to the demands of agrarian production; secondly, double-shift schooling highlights the paradoxical nature of development intervention where, on the one hand, legislation and policy call for a reduction in child labour by increasing access to school and, on the other, neo-liberal educational policy serves to facilitate the intensification of girls’ domestic and farm labour. This paper maintains that the intensification of girls’ workmust be placed within a wider context where children’s — particularly girls — cheap, flexible and/or unremunerated labour is central to the functioning of local and global processes of accumulation. 相似文献
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Civilizations are mortal. Some rise to meet their challenges, others collapse and disappear into history. Why do some posses the capacity to change, and others not? Jared Diamond warns that the Anthropocentric Age, in which the human species for the first time is the dominant influence on the planet, could end up like the extinct Maya, terminating our civilization's accomplishments if we don't squarely face our ecological challenges. Bruce Mau, like Alvin Toffler, sees hope in the “distributed power” enabled by new technologies. Jared Cohen and Eric Schmidt examine the paradoxes of the digital age which has transformed how we live our lives in every respect. 相似文献
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The worldwide increase in demand for health services offers developing countries, like Indonesia, significant opportunities to expand international trade in this area. However, policy aimed at achieving this objective must carefully consider the World Trade Organization's (WTO) General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS). For signatory nations and those considering becoming signatory nations, the procedural, structural, and other effects of the GATS make it a formidable challenge for national health policy alongside its impact on trade liberalization. Invoking the four GATS health care trade modes, this article develops possible approaches to Indonesian health services in the context of trade liberalization. 相似文献
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Kirsten E. Schulze 《冲突和恐怖主义研究》2013,36(1):77-82
In order to thwart and prevent terrorism the State is compelled to use all of the covert capabilities at its disposal in order to protect the society it serves. One of its most effective weapons is the use of human intelligence. Often acquired through secret relationships with terrorists or those with the ability to access preemptive intelligence. This important work is contentious for any democratic society as such practices and relationships, should they become known, inevitably beg the question—How far is it permissible for the State to go? A case study of State efforts to combat terrorism in Northern Ireland presents the moral, ethical, and legal dilemmas encountered and the propaganda opportunity such activity presents its detractors and critics. This article will identify key aspects related to the intelligence war and the development and creation of the concept of “collusion,” a subjective issue, and one that has no legal definition. 相似文献
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Martin Painter 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(2):261-283
The 1997 Asian financial crisis and subsequent impact on Vietnam's economy reignited a decade-old internal debate over economic reforms (doi moi). Heralded by many as a success story, the pace of doi moi was the cause of sharp conflicts within the ruling party as the IMF prescribed speeding up the process. At first glance it seemed that neo-liberalism was triumphant. However, this article argues that we need to take a closer look at the content and meaning of 'reform' in the Vietnamese context. Neo-liberal reforms were modified to ensure they consolidated rather than unravelled the authority of the Vietnamese state and to accommodate the new hybrids of state-business alliances. 相似文献
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The recent scandal of the National Security Agency (NSA) “Hoovering” up the metadata on US and foreign citizens from Google, Facebook and Yahoo exposes in the full light of day the central paradox of the new digital age: The Internet enables us to know and learn more than ever before, but enables more to be known and learned about us by both snooping governments and monetizing information corporations alike. In this section, Google's Eric Schmidt and Jared Cohen discuss this paradox. We also reprint an interview from 2009 with Mike McConnell, a former chief of the National Security Agency and the driving force behind Booz, Allen, Hamilton's digital security operation. Edward Snowden, the systems administrator who blew the whistle, was employed by the NSA as a subcontractor from Booz, Allen, Hamilton. 相似文献
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Rebecca Elmhirst 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(5):143-166
This study considers the ways 'indigenous' people have responded to the constraints and opportunities posed by the Indonesian government's transmigration programme in North Lampung, Sumatra. Migration is of increasing importance to the livelihoods of this group; particularly that involving the employment-related movement of young, unmarried women to the export-oriented factory zones of West Java. Female migration is notable in the context of customs confining unmarried women to the house, and negating their working in agriculture. The paper explores how factory migration has developed, drawing on field work conducted in 1994 and during the economic crisis in 1998, and focusing on the shifting terrain of intrahousehold power relations and decision-making in the community. Key to understanding migration dynamics in this area is the emergence of a culturally-conditioned social network linking village and city. This network has altered the terms upon which migration decisions and remittance practices are made, and may have cushioned. 相似文献
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Dilyara Suleymanova 《欧亚研究》2018,70(1):53-74
This article focuses on post-2000 Russian education reforms, specifically the eradication of regional components from the school curriculum (in 2007) and the introduction of the Unified State Examination (in 2009), as part of a wider shift towards centralisation in Russian education. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in a semi-urban community in the Republic of Tatarstan over the period 2009–2013, the article examines what impact these reforms had on local practices of schooling, on the educational strategies of the population, and on minority language education more widely. It reveals that, while the new institutional framework imposed by the reforms limited the exposure of pupils to regional and ethno-cultural identity narratives, local educators managed to use the limited possibilities within the schools to promote ethnic and regional belonging. 相似文献
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This article suggests improvements in the use of regression analysis to measure spatial market integration. The procedure pioneered by Ravallion is still widespread but is valid only under certain conditions of exogeneity. The alternative offered here is an error‐correction mechanism which makes it possible to test for exogeneity as well as indicating the direction and strength of causality in price formation between markets. The method is illustrated with data on rice prices in different parts of the Indonesian market. The results confirm, among other things, that supply sources are more important than demand sources in driving prices. 相似文献