The trade and fiscal impact of EU/ACP economic partnership agreements on West African countries

The European Union is currently negotiating free trade agreements, called Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs), with African countries as part of the Cotonou Agreement between the European Union and African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. The paper empirically assesses the impact of the EPAs on trade flows and government revenue for 14 West African countries. The results indicate that the decline in import duties due to the preferential tariff elimination might be of some cause for concern and that complementary fiscal and economic policies have to be implemented before or at the time the EPAs come into force.     

Theft,Gift-Giving,and Reciprocity: A South African Experiment

Abstract

This paper uses a taking game to examine how South African subjects alter the amount they choose to ‘steal’ in response to a resource transfer from the potential victim. Any positive resource transfer significantly reduces the amount taken. ‘Small’ transfers reduce a victim’s total losses, including the transfer and the subsequent ‘theft’. Larger transfers increase a victim’s total losses. This study failed to find that differences in the frame of a transfer (i.e. gift, as a bribe, or as a payment) influenced a taker’s response to the transfer.     

Pakistan's industrial families: The extent,causes, and effects of their economic power

There has been much interest lately in the phenomenon of industrial growth in Pakistan and in the leading industrial families who were in the centre of that growth. [G. F. Papanek, 1967; G. F. Papanek, 1971; H. Papanek, 1972]. There have been few efforts, however to measure directly the importance of these families and the causes and effects of their economic power. This article will attempt to provide some of these measures.

Section I estimates the overall concentration in the manufacturing sector in Pakistan and provides a few international comparisons. Section II will provide estimates of the more traditional concentration by industry, along with estimates of the leading families’ roles in those industries. Section III discusses the origins of both kinds of concentration. And Section IV will analyze the consequences ‐economic and non‐economic ‐ of this concentration. The data in this article relate mostly to 1968.¹     

The impact of the financial sector on economic development: Some cross-section evidence

Conclusion This paper has attempted to analyze the effect of the development of the financial sector, as reflected by the extent of financial deepening, in the economic development of countries. The Theoretical framework integrating financial growth to real growth is basically an adaptation of the Gurley-Shaw theory of finance in the development context, but with emphasis placed upon the supply-leading role of the financial sector. The empirical results of this study although not conclusive, indicate that financial deepening leads to a higher rate of capital accumulation and a higher level of per capita income. The lack of definitiveness of our evidence in support of the financial theory of economic development is due to a lack of comparable data on financial institutions, other than banks, for the different countries. Thus, although our study lends support to the supply-leading thesis, further judgement of the thesis must await more detailed empirical analyses.     

The curious career of an African modernizer: South Africa's Thabo Mbeki

Thabo Mbeki, South Africa's second democratically elected president, was born into left-wing politics. In exile, he became the face of the African National Congress (ANC) and developed a reputation as a modernizer. He returned to the country and built relations, not with the ANC's internal allies, but with the country's business community. In 1996, as Mandela's deputy, Mbeki implemented a neo-liberal economic package, called GEAR, which alienated many. In office, he both failed to acknowledge the threat of HIV/AIDS to the country and refused to pressure the failing regime in Zimbabwe; but it was his bypassing of parliament that ultimately led to his failure as president.     

The hares,the hounds and the African National Congress: on joining the Third World in post-apartheid South Africa

The utility of framing questions of global inequality in relation to a ‘First World’ and a ‘Third World’, a North and a South, or developed countries and developing (or underdeveloped) countries, has been much debated since the end of the Cold War. This article addresses the issue of the perceived weaknesses and possible continued strengths of the notion of the ‘Third World’ in general terms, and then grounds such a discussion through an analysis of the way that the African National Congress (anc) government in post-apartheid South Africa has approached the question of global inequality. Since its election in 1994, and more particularly since Thabo Mbeki succeeded Nelson Mandela as president, the anc has presented itself as having an especially important leadership role on behalf of the Third World. The profound contradictions inherent in the anc's effort both to retain its Third Worldist credentials and to present itself as a reliable client to the Bretton Woods institutions and foreign investors provides insights into how to design alternative strategies for overcoming world-wide poverty, strategies which might be more effective than those chosen by the anc. Since the anc was elected to government in 1994 it has pursued a brand of deeply compromised quasi-reformism, analysed here, that serves primarily to deflect consideration away from the options presented by other, much more meaningfully radical international and South African labour organisations, environmental groups and social movements. At the present juncture a range of increasingly well-organised grassroots movements in South Africa find that they have no choice but to mobilise in active resistance to the bankrupt policies of the anc. The increasing significance of these efforts points to the possibility that they might eventually be able to push South Africa—either through a transformation of the anc itself or through the creation of some new, potentially hegemonic, political project in that country—back into the ranks of those governments and groups that seek to use innovative and appropriately revolutionary approaches to challenge the geographical, racial and class-based hierarchies of global inequality.     

The impact of domestic and global trade liberalisation on five Southern African countries

We compare the impact of alternative domestic and global trade liberalisation scenarios on five economies in Southern Africa. The study applies a computable general equilibrium model that employs standardised 12-sector social accounting matrices for Malawi, Mozambique, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. The approach incorporates stylised features, such as own-household consumption and marketing margins, that are of particular importance when a majority of agricultural producers are not sufficiently integrated into formal markets and thus rely on own production to meet their daily diets. Hence, improved infrastructure implies lower marketing costs and better market integration, which translates to increased production opportunities. The comparison of the results across all five countries reveals that common policy measures have different impacts depending on the underlying economic structures.     

The politics of neoliberal economic reform in South America, 1980–1994

What political conditions facilitate market-oriented reform? Prior research suggests that neoliberal policies are inherently unpopular, politically hazardous, and consequently dependent upon the existence of strong and relative autonomous governments. This study reassesses the political costs and benefits of market-oriented reform and attempts to offer insights for future theory building by exploring five hypotheses on the basis of the post-1980 South American experience. The findings suggest that the political obstacles to reform have been exaggerated and theoretically misspecified. Neoliberal policies are less the product of the triumph of technocratic expertise over political calculus than of the structure of political incentives and opportunities created by broader sets of factors, including economic circumstances, structural conditions, pluralist pressures, institutional constraints, and international linkages.     

The Transition to Equity in South African Higher Education: Governance,Fairness, and Trust in Everyday Academic Practice

In South Africa, 15 years into a new political order, higher education institutions are under pressure to create and sustain the conditions necessary for the consolidation of democracy. One of the more important of these conditions is the need to shift their academic staff profiles in ways that are more representative of a diverse democracy. This process is mediated by legislative and policy reforms that have as their aims the establishment of a more diverse community of academics (see, inter alia: White Paper, 1997; Employment Equity Act No. 55 of 1998; National Plan for Higher Education, 2001). While much current thinking is at the macro-level and focused on narrow human resource aspects related to “getting the numbers right,” there is limited research on what happens in the daily experiences of faculty. This article draws on a research project conducted at five universities in South Africa in order to explore how academics in their everyday micro-practices of governance, teaching, and research respond to this external systemic pressure. The findings are considered in terms of their implications for the democratization process, in relation to issues of governance, fairness, and trust, at the levels both of institutions and of society as a whole.     

The effects of social and economic distance on interlocal police cooperation

Fragmented jurisdictional settings, particularly in the provision of local police services, characterize many metropolitan areas in this country. An im portant issue is whether differences in the social and economic makeup of local jurisdictions constitute barriers to the cooperation that is necessary to control urban crime. In this article, social, economic, and racial differences between suburban municipalities are examined to determine their effects on measures of cooperation between local police departments.

Social distance and differences in racial mix between jurisdictions are more strongly and more consistently associated with levels of cooperation between suburban police departments than is economic distance. Greater social distance appears to enhance cooperation. The study indicates that greater differences in the proportions of nonwhite residents between suburban municipalities are linked to lower levels of cooperative agreements between police departments. Finally, the findings from this study indicate that greater economic distance is not associated consistently with lower levels of cooperation.     

The Southern African customs union,cereal price policy in South Africa,and food security in Botswana

It is elaborated in this article that external factors may affect food security in developing countries even if these countries are not exposed to price instability in world food markets. This is the case in the Southern African Customs Union where the agricultural price policy in South Africa affects food security in Botswana, Lesotho and Swasiland. It is analysed quantitatively how cereal price policy in South Africa influenced the cereal import sector of Botswana in the period 1969–84. Cereal import prices increased due to Botswana's membership of the customs union, and cereal imports declined. The price increase was accompanied by a price‐stabilising impact.     

The impact of outside agencies on institutional mental health care

The impact of outside agencies on institutional mental health care     

The new diplomacy of the South: South Africa,Brazil, India and trilateralism

In the aftermath of 9/11 surely of great significance is the reassertion of the South – North divide as a defining axis of the international system. In this context the emergence of a coterie of Southern countries actively challenging the position and assumptions of the leading states of the North is an especially significant event. The activism on the part of three middle-income developing countries in particular—South Africa, Brazil and India—has resulted in the creation of a ‘trilateralist’ diplomatic partnership, itself a reflection of broader transformations across the developing world in the wake of globalisation. This article will examine the rise of the co-operative strategy known as ‘trilateralism’ by regional leaders within the South. Specifically it will look at the relationship between emerging regional powers in the context of multilateralism, as well as at the formulation and implementation of trilateralism. As with previous co-operative efforts in the developing world, the prospects of success are rooted in overlapping domestic, regional and international influences on South African, Brazilian and Indian foreign policies. The article will conclude with an assessment of these influences over the trilateral agenda.     

The economic impact of the denver broncos football club on the denver metropolitan economy

The purpose of the study was to assess the economic impact of the Denver Broncos Football Club on the Denver Metropolitan Area economy. Primary data required to determine the economic impact was collected from three main sources. First, a two page survey questionnaire was mailed to 9,519 randomly selected season ticket holders with 4,810 returned questionnaires. The City and County of Denver provided financial management information reports for all home games as the second source of primary data. Finally, the Denver Broncos administration provided financial information pertaining to operational expenditures. The total industrial output or economic impact was calculated at $ll7,80l,500 for the economic activity associated with the Denver Broncos Football Club for the 1989-1990 season. Direct economic impact was shown to be $64,282,200 and indirect and induced effects corresponding to the multipliers generated by the model was an additional $53,519,300. Employee compensation was $47,213,300 and property income provided $16,732,000 to the Denver metropolitan economy. Indirect business taxes totaling $7,118,300 went to local, county, state and federal government. The economic activity produced 1,828 jobs directly and indirectly resulting from Broncos activity in the metropolitan area.     

Democratization of the State: A Global Perspective and South African Case Study

ABSTRACT

This essay provides a global perspective on the democratic transformation of the state in societies undergoing democratization. Comparative research indicates that the development and effective performance of democratic political systems require the establishment of honest and competent public bureaucracies that avoid political partisanship and demonstrate respect for the diverse values and interests of the populations they serve. Especially important in democratizing the state is the development and practice of the norms of secondary democracy. The practice of these norms of mutual respect, fairness, and collaboration create the essential culture or modus vivendi of democracy. The Republic of South Africa is analyzed as an important case study of a contemporary state that is attempting to create a democratic and corruption-free public service in a country with an extremely racist, authoritarian, and corruption-ridden past. This case study reveals that the democratization of the state in South Africa, as in the case of other countries around the world, requires the members of the state bureaucracy to practice the norms of secondary democracy in their daily relations with one another and in their relations with the citizenry.