National development policy and external dependence in Latin America

Many of Latin America's Roman Catholic leaders—clerical and lay—have moved away from previously dominant conservative political positions, as a result both of doctrinal changes decreed by Rome (Pope John and the Council) and of the widespread failure of meaningful development in their, societies. But in most places the position of the hierarchy is only marginally different from that of the government in power (save on issues of basic human rights where these are systematically denied) and the impact of the radical minority is small. Though the church wishes its voice to be heard, it is doubtful whether its views will make much difference: secularization has gone far among decision‐makers, and those who still listen to the clergy are mostly conservative middle‐class women and an uneducated peasantry, still caught up in traditional folk beliefs.     

The impact of the financial sector on economic development: Some cross-section evidence

Conclusion This paper has attempted to analyze the effect of the development of the financial sector, as reflected by the extent of financial deepening, in the economic development of countries. The Theoretical framework integrating financial growth to real growth is basically an adaptation of the Gurley-Shaw theory of finance in the development context, but with emphasis placed upon the supply-leading role of the financial sector. The empirical results of this study although not conclusive, indicate that financial deepening leads to a higher rate of capital accumulation and a higher level of per capita income. The lack of definitiveness of our evidence in support of the financial theory of economic development is due to a lack of comparable data on financial institutions, other than banks, for the different countries. Thus, although our study lends support to the supply-leading thesis, further judgement of the thesis must await more detailed empirical analyses.     

Financial development and economic growth: Additional evidence

This note suggests that, contrary to the conclusions reached in several recent studies, the empirical evidence does not support the view that financial development promotes economic growth. It is first noted that the predominant pattern in the data for 95 individual countries is that of a negligible or weakly negative covariation between financial development and growth of real GDP per capita. Second, the individual‐country correlational picture is a sharp contrast to the correlations based on crosscountry data that have been used in most research on the subject. Third, individual‐country estimates of a basic multiple‐regression growth model also do not indicate a positive association between financial development and growth. Fourth, in cross‐country data and models of the kind that have been used in most studies, when the regression structure is permitted to vary across three subgroups, a huge parametric heterogeneity is observed, and the overall indication is that of a negligible or negative association between financial development and growth.     

Demilitarisation in Latin America

Since the mid 1970s relations between the USA and Libya have been antagonistic. The radical policies the regime of Muammar Qadaaffi has pursued have made Libya one of the USA's bêtes noires . The reasons for US antagonism derive from Libya's repression at home, its alleged support for terrorism and for radical movements opposed to US interests, its staunch opposition to Israel, and its anti-Western rhetoric. Libya's hostility towards the USA rests on a perception of the USA as a global power intent on maintaining its hegemony and control over the Arab and Islamic world. Libyans have been resentful of US support of Israel to the detriment of Arabs and Muslims. Libya's resolute opposition to the USA especially in the 1980s, resulted in a series of military confrontations. The USA has maintained sanctions despite the suspension of UN sanctions on Libya in 1999. The USA has retained Libya on its short list of 'rogue states' despite recognition that Libya has stopped sponsoring terrorism. The contention here is that Libya, like the other 'rogue states', provides justification for US domestic policies (eg National Missile Defense). Given the events of 11 September 2001 in the US, it is quite conceivable that Libya could become a target of the US antiterrorism campaign. The USA could at last find valid justification for the removal of the Qadaffi regime.     

Labor union strength and human development in East Asia and Latin America

Ordinary least squares multiple regression is used to test the impact of labor movement strength on growth, income distribution, and premature mortality in sixteen East Asian and Latin American countries. Labor movement strength is measured by a new index based on information from the International Labour Organisation. Controlling for other relevant variables, the Labor Strength Index is found to have a weak positive effect on growth, a weak negative effect on income equality and on infant survival and life expectancy levels, and a strong negative effect on infant survival and life expectancy progress. One reason for the negative overall effect of labor strength on human development may be that unions, together with actors representing better-off urban groups, often induce governments to enact urbanbiased and formal sector-biased policies that contribute to the neglect or impoverishment of the rural poor and shanty-town dwellers. James W. McGuire is associate professor in the Department of Government, Wesleyan University, Middletown, CT, 06459. He is the author ofPeronism Without Perón (Stanford University Press, 1997) and of articles on parties, unions, and strikes in Argentina; transitions from authoritarianism in Latin America; and development in East Asia and Latin America.     

Tariffs and economic development: Some theoretical issues 1

There is evidence to suggest that in Brazil import substituting industrialization has brought an increased dependence on the foreign sector. Further growth is highly dependent upon the ability to increase exports, and economic policy exercises an important function in such export expansion. In an attempt to analyse the behaviour of manufactured exports, a regression model, complemented with in‐depth interviews with individual firms, is posited and tested with Brazilian data. In analysing policy variables and other determining factors in terms of their effects on manufactured export performance, it is found that exchange rate policy, tax incentives, LAFTA, and a recession‐boom effect have all played important roles in shaping Brazilian industrial export growth.     

Privatization in Asia and Latin America

This article analyzes the political and economic predictors of privatization in 17 developing countries in Asia and Latin America, using an OLS regression model with panel-corrected standard errors and data from 1988 to 1999. The regression results show that two factors, which, have hitherto been either neglected or underemphasized in the privatization literature, play a crucial role in the pace and scope of, privatization. The first is a government’s revenue needs (defined in terms of interest payments on public debt as a percentage of a government’s total budget expenditures). An unsustainable interest burden leads to a significant reduction in the social and public spending of a government. This, in turn, impels incumbents to raise revenues through the sale of, state assets. The second factor that explains privatization patterns is the extant degree of, political opportunity (defined in terms of the governing politicians’ legislative strength and their security to remain in office). In addition, the results show that privatization is associated, with declining inflation and economic growth rates.     

拉丁美洲：和谐的民族,和谐的文化

近几年中国和拉丁美洲的关系有了很大发展,特别是文化交流进一步展开,这种文化交流不仅是传播中国文化,还有一个重要内容,就是拉美有许多优秀的文化成果,值得我们吸收和借鉴,以促进我国和谐社会的建设：     

Neopopulism and neoliberalism in Latin America: Unexpected affinities

Why have political populism and economic liberalism coexisted under Presidents Menem in Argentina, Collor in Brazil, and Fujimori in Peru? In order to elucidate this surprising convergence, which established conceptions of populism did not expect, this article stresses some underlying affinities between neoliberalism and the new version of populism emerging in the 1980s. Both neopopulism and neoliberalism seek to win mass support primarily from unorganized people in the informal sector, while marginalizing autonomous organizations of better-off strata and attacking the “political class.” They both apply a top-down, state-centered strategy of wielding political power. Finally, neoliberal efforts to combat Latin America’s deep economic crisis yield some benefits for poorer sectors, to which neopopulist leaders appeal, while imposing especially high costs on many of the better-off opponents of neopopulism.     

Institutions and Development in Latin America: A Comparative Analysis

We review the theoretical literature on the concept of institutions and its relationship to national development, propose a definition of the concept, and advance six hypotheses about institutional adequacy and contributions to national development. We then present results of a comparative empirical study of existing institutions in three Latin American countries and examine their organizational similarities and differences. Employing the qualitative comparative method (QCA) proposed by Ragin, we then test the six hypotheses. Results converge in showing the importance of meritocracy, immunity to corruption, absence of “islands of power,” and proactivity in producing effective institutions. Findings strongly support Peter Evans’ theory of developmental apparatuses.