Connecting governance and the front lines: How work pressure and autonomy matter for coping in different performance regimes

How frontline employees cope with perceived work pressure may be of direct influence on policy outcomes. This study contributes to the street‐level bureaucracy literature in several ways. First, we study both passive client‐oriented and active system‐oriented coping. Second, we analyse how these coping behaviours relate to work pressure and work autonomy. Finally, this article analyses whether these relationships are conditioned by the performance regime. Using a unique set‐up of hospital employees (n = 979) working in external and internal performance regimes, we find a higher level of system‐oriented active coping than client‐oriented passive coping. Moreover, we find that autonomy matters for system‐oriented coping and work pressure for client‐oriented coping, and that these relationships are context‐dependent.     

Myanmar: analyzing problems of transition and intervention

Myanmar's State Peace and Development Council touts the 2010 elections as an important milestone on the roadmap to democracy. While the consensus among scholars is that the result is a foregone conclusion, these elections may also mark the beginning of a transition. As a transition from authoritarian rule may lead to internal chaos and result in calls for external intervention, the relevant dimensions of intervention are explored. The capabilities, interests and approaches of key external players in the context of Myanmar are identified. Both India and China have capabilities and multiple interests in Myanmar. However, the India–China rivalry and the lack of consensus around the responsibility to protect the doctrines are identified as risk factors. In spite of its shortcomings, the ASEAN Regional Forum remains the most appropriate venue to explore possible responses in case of chaos in Myanmar, which would be a tough test of its aptitude and relevance. The forum should upgrade organizational and practical capacities to respond to major crises such as a hypothetical collapse of central authority in Myanmar.     

PERFORMANCE MEASUREMENT IN SPANISH LOCAL GOVERNMENTS. A CROSS‐CASE COMPARISON STUDY

This paper explores local government in Spain: the nature of and extent to which performance measures are developed and how they are used in some of the biggest Spanish local governments. The features of performance measurement in Spain raise the question of why non‐mandatory performance indicators are introduced and why specific initiatives are undertaken. A cross‐theory strategy allows us to build a wider explanation of the cases studied. This study shows that performance measurement systems are not neutral but conditioned by the environmental context of each local government to fit into its organizational structure. Spanish local governments are experimenting with different approaches – centralized/decentralized, top‐down/bottom‐up, internal/external use – to implement performance measures. A relationship between external use and the top‐down approach, and internal use and the bottom‐up approach can be found. Our results also show that the institutional image value of taking decisions under rational decision‐making models is the primary driver of implementation processes.     

A view from congress

Abstract

Since 1947, India's defense posture and policies have evolved in response to its external and domestic circumstances. Examined in this article are the impact of the international system on India's defense behavior; the impact of regional military developments and crises on Indian behavior; the relationship between leadership style and leadership interest, especially in the 1980s, and Indian defense posture; the influence of internal bureaucratic politics, triggered by external developments, and its impact on defense policy and posture, and the relationship between diplomacy and force in the pursuit of Indian security. The first part of the article outlines the Indian strategic concept, the distribution of military capabilities, and the external and internal setting concerning each period. The second part is analytical, tracing the pattern of development of Indian security systems as it stands today. The final section deals with the irreversible broadening of the Indian defense debates, i. e., a shift away from the small and closed decision‐making of the Nehru and Indira Gandhi years to a broad‐based articulation of defense concerns and resources.     

Towards a More Comprehensive Analysis of Warlord Politics: Constitutive Agency,Patron–Client Networks and Robust Action

This article serves as a critique of a recent American foreign policy formulation proposing to eradicate ‘warlordism’ and asserting that democratic institutions can be directly created out of the post-eradication anarchic chaos. Against this background, recent years have indeed seen a bourgeoning literature on ‘warlord politics’ in Southeast Asia. The majority commonly portray political actors as faithful followers of economic rationality and self-interest. Therefore, most are conceived as selfish predators who ruthlessly use violence for private gains at the expense of public interest. By suggesting that comparative studies on warlordism have been heavily influenced by the political economy perspective, the article develops a more comprehensive analysis of warlord politics. Along the lines of patron–client network analysis, insights from moral economy and agency-structure sociological dualism are considered. Contrasting case studies are used to illustrate how the alleged warlords of Southeast Asia do not fit entirely into the political economy perspective. Caught in a vast patron–client network of competing interests and diverse powers across state and society, one's agency is constantly constituted by discursive arrays of contending interests, juxtaposing rationalities and multiple intentions. In state building, this complication is regarded as paradoxically necessary for compelling the alleged warlord-actor to re-define and elevate multiple private interests into public interest.     

The anti‐secession law,framing, and political change in Taiwan

Beijing's Anti‐Secession Law (ASL) was promulgated in March 2005. Influenced by the December 2004 Legislative Yuan elections in Taiwan, Beijing's 2005 comments suggested the ASL was intended to increase peaceful interaction, not confrontation. Temporary, cooperative discussions early in 2005 between the People First Party (PFP) and President Chen Shui‐bian (DPP) are analysed as well as trips to the mainland by KMT leaders and the subsequent China visit by PFP leaders. The impact of all these events on the May 2005 National Assembly elections and the December local elections in the Republic of China on Taiwan (ROCT) is discussed. An evolving, more peaceful and interactive status quo has reduced the likelihood of military force becoming an option. Gradual refraining of cross‐Strait relations occurred in 2005. Still to be determined is whedier Taiwan will benefit from the changing status quo to the degree Beijing believes the PRC will benefit.     

The Electoral Dynamics of Human Development

This paper analyses the impact of elections, partisan and political support effects on the dynamics of human development in a panel of 82 countries over the period 1980–2013. A Generalised Method of Moments(GMM) estimator is employed and the results point out to the presence of an electoral cycle in the growth rate of human development. Majority governments also influence it, but no evidence is found regarding partisan effects. The electoral cycles have proved to be stronger in non-OECD countries, in countries with less frequent elections, with lower levels of income and human development, in presidential and non-plurality systems and in proportional representation regimes.     

The failure of democratisation by elections in Cambodia

This article questions the explanatory power of the theory of democratisation by elections. This approach to democratisation argues that elections in authoritarian regimes constitute part of a metagame between ruling elites and opponents, which involves a competition for votes inside a larger competition over the nature of political power. The cumulative effect is that even flawed elections raise the costs of repression and lower the costs of toleration in ways that eventually bring about democracy. When applied to the most likely case of Cambodia, however, electoral democratisation has resoundingly failed to occur. Instead, this article argues that neopatrimonial inhibits the transformative power of elections by preventing the emergence of resolute democratic ideals, reform-minded elites and pro-democratic institutions. In this way, the distribution of party-state patronage constitutes a method of co-optation; and flawed elections represent a mechanism to renew and reinforce the historical roots and structural basis of state authority. Using the case of Cambodia, this article develops an account of neopatrimonialism in authoritarian elections and explores implications of the Cambodian experience for the democratisation by elections theory more broadly.     

Civil Society and Good Governance in Bangladesh

Many of the recent ideas and concepts of ‘good governance’ and ‘civil society’ in Bangladesh have been generated by the international aid agencies and their ‘good governance’ policy agenda in the 1990s, but there are also local meanings to the terms derived from the independence struggle and the construction of a Bangladeshi state. This article aims to obtain a clearer analytical understanding of the processes and institutions of civil society in Bangladesh that can develop workable strategy to improve governance for helping the poor and moving beyond the patron–client relationships on which they have depended historically. It also focuses attention and debate on those aspects of civil society which can enhance the quality of governance and democracy by overcoming the western top-down approach; and can strengthen the role of civil society organisations to further enhance their impact on better governance for fair distribution of public goods and ensuring social justice for the poor.     

Transnistria’s Order of Friendship: Legitimacy Through Diplomatic Practice

Abstract

What strategies do de facto states employ in conducting their diplomacy? This article examines Transnistria’s Order of Friendship, a state award that primarily targets foreigners, by analysing the profiles of all known award recipients. The Order is found to be a political tool to enhance Transnistria’s domestic and external legitimacy in the absence of recognised sovereignty. The findings confirm the literature on Transnistria’s ‘bandwagoning’ with Russia, indicate that a patron’s support must be actively sought rather than taken for granted, and—since many awardees are from jurisdictions other than the patron state Russia—point to the need to examine the foreign policy of de facto states more holistically.     

Price control in underdeveloped countries

In addition to the classical criteria of logic and relevance, development studies can also be judged in terms of their interdisciplinary consistency. Slavish adherence to behavioural findings in the other social sciences which tend to corroborate the conventional assumptions of micro‐economic theory, however, should be discounted where their own logic and relevance remain controversial.

Micro‐economic studies of ‘industrial organization’ in Thailand have widely adopted the social anthropological thesis that Thai society is ‘loosely structured’, implying that the Thai behave as typical economic entrepreneurs. Analyses of Thai economic history subscribe to this view for the peasantry but not for the elite. An alternative model of Thai ‘industrial organization’ which dispenses with the purported market orientation of Thai peasants provides greater explanatory value than the conventional interpretation.

The entourage model of ‘industrial organization’ views the Thai economy as a hierarchy of relationships within which each participant is patron to associates of lower rank, and client to one of higher rank. Each entourage, composed of a patron and a coterie of clients, is integrated by a web of functionally and temporally diffuse economic‐social‐political reciprocities. Furthermore, mobility within the system follows rank enhancement opportunities rather than pecuniary incentives.

Thai economic development over the past century can be satisfactorily explained in terms of the entourage model, which deals directly with problems (such as the role of the Chinese and the decline of human bondage) not readily explained in the conventional context. Application of the entourage model, in conclusion, suggests that Thailand's development prospects under guidelines geared to the market model may be seriously misleading.     

Jihadi Strategic Studies: The Alleged Al Qaida Policy Study Preceding the Madrid Bombings

This article analyzes an Al Qaida strategy document about Iraq that received considerable attention after the Madrid bombings because of its references to the Spanish elections. The current article discusses the origin, content, and significance of the document and argues that it represents a hitherto unidentified genre in radical Islamist literature, namely "jihadi strategic studies." The text, which is secular in style, analytical in its approach, and pragmatic in its conclusions, displays a level of political awareness that breaks with most preconceptions about religious fundamentalist thought. Moreover, it dispels the myth of a unified and coherent "Al Qaida ideology."‐     

台湾地区2020年“二合一”选举结果及其对政党政治的影响

论文分析2020年台湾地区“二合一”选举结果及其对政党政治的影响。根据2016年以来三次选举中不同政党得票情况的起伏变化,观察“蓝、绿”和南北政治光谱的周期性变化规律,评估政党内部因素和外部环境对岛内选举结果的短期效应和长期影响,进而展望台湾政党政治的未来发展趋势。     

State-led violence in Ukraine’s 2004 elections and orange revolution

The Ukrainian opposition faced one of the greatest degrees of state-backed violence in the second wave of democratization of post-communist states with only Serbia experiencing similar cases of assassinations and repression of the youth Otpor NGO. In the 2004 Ukrainian elections the opposition maintained a strategy of non-violence over the longest protest period of 17 days but was prepared to use force if it had been attacked. The regime attempted to suppress the Orange Revolution using security forces. Covert and overt Russian external support was extensive and in the case of Ukraine and Georgia the European Union (EU) did not intervene with a membership offer that had the effect of emboldening the opposition in Central-Eastern Europe. This article surveys five state-backed violent strategies used in Ukraine’s 2004 elections: inciting regional and inter-ethnic conflict, assassinations, violence against the opposition, counter-revolution and use of the security forces. The article does not cover external Russian-backed violence in the 2004 elections unique to Ukraine that the author has covered elsewhere.     

Social movements amidst democratic transitions: Lessons from the Brazilian countryside

Democratic transitions represent unique opportunities in which movements of the poor can coalesce, place their demands on the national agenda, and institutionalise their access to authoritative decision‐making centres. The opportunities and constraints movements of the poor face during transitions, however, remain little understood and under‐theorised. This study develops an analytic approach that links national‐level democratisation processes to the local‐level movement dynamics that make collective action possible, particularly the creation and reproduction of collective identities and organisational structures. The approach theorises how changing elite alliance patterns during transition cycles, and redefinition of institutional linkages that bind state and society, shape the opportunities and constraints movements face at successive stages of democratic transitions. The utility of this approach is demonstrated by examining the new unionism in rural Brazil, in that country's democratic transition during the 1980s.     

The Politics of Institutional Choice Across Sub-Saharan Africa: Presidential Term Limits

During the transitions to multipartyism that began in the late 1980s, presidential term limits were adopted into the constitutions of a majority of sub-Saharan African states. Yet, a sizable minority of African governments resisted implementing such restrictions on executive power. How can this variation be explained? This article proposes an expanded strategic choice approach that posits that the degree of electoral uncertainty affects institutional choice in cases of controlled, unilateral constitutional revisions (which were common across Africa) just as much as it shapes institutional choice in situations of cooperative constitution-making through bargaining and pact-making. Based on this logic, I argue that term limits were adopted as an electoral insurance mechanism in all cases where constitutional drafters perceive the degree of future electoral uncertainty to be high, regardless of whether the constitutional review process is cooperative or controlled. Alternatively, term limits are eschewed in cases where one unified party fully controls the constitutional review process and also perceives that they will win elections into the foreseeable future. The argument is tested through a statistical analysis of the determinants of term limit choice across all relevant sub-Saharan cases.     

Armed Groups as Political Parties and Their Role in Electoral Politics: The Case of Hizballah

In recent decades, armed groups have shown an increased interest in creating political parties to take part in institutional politics. By using these political wings to participate in elections and win public office, some of them have gained enormous political power. However, despite the important real-world implications of this trend, the existing literature on the topic is still underdeveloped. This article contributes to a better understanding of this subject by examining the factors that motivate armed groups to set up a political wing and compete in elections and by assessing how political participation affects an armed group's strategic outlook. The hypotheses on political wing formation and development are tested by analyzing the decision-making patterns of Hizballah. The findings suggest that the political involvement of armed groups does not follow a linear development process from armed to political organization, but instead assumes cyclical patterns: political accommodation and armed struggle are chosen in turn in response to shifts in the relation and the internal balance of power between a given group's political and armed wings.     

Anti-Immigrant Parties,Local Presence and Electoral Success

Abstract

Does the local organisational presence of anti-immigrant parties affect their chances for electoral success? In order to answer this question, the article explores the potential of a supply-oriented explanation to anti-immigrant party success by examining the electoral advancements the Sweden Democrats (SD) made in the 2006 and 2010 elections. Our results indicate that traditional demand-side explanations to anti-immigrant party success can be successfully complemented by an ‘internal supply-side argument’ to make the electoral fates of these parties more intelligible. Whether the SD had a local organisational presence had a substantial effect on its results in the national election and on the probability of gaining representation in local councils. Thus, the party’s fate in the national as well as local elections was largely determined by whether or not it had a local organisational presence in Swedish municipalities.