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1.
The dichotomy between subsistence and market‐oriented farmers in many developing countries is a well‐recognized fact. There have been empirical studies in India of the differences between subsistence and market‐oriented or ‘commercial’ farmers; and interest is now developing in the impact of the new agricultural policy on dualism within agriculture. While the theoretical literature deals extensively with dualism between a traditional agricultural sector and an advanced industrial sector, dualism within the agricultural sector itself is less discussed.1

However, this dualism has become of increasing practical importance in India with the introduction of the ‘New Strategy for Agricultural Development’ in 1966–67.2 This policy concentrates on raising output per acre very sharply, especially for the food crops, by the use of new high‐yielding varieties of seeds and complementary inputs. In the beginning, at least, these measures are to be confined to a small part of the total acreage under food grains. Critics have also alleged that they have been confined to the larger farmers, thus accentuating the existing inequality of agricultural incomes, and that this inequality must have several undesirable social, economic and political consequences. But these consequences have not been elaborated, partly for lack of data, but partly also because the theoretical implications of technical change for a dualist development of agriculture have not been adequately discussed. The first object of this paper is to examine the changes in income distribution within agriculture when technical progress is confined to the commercial sector. Thereafter we show that if dualism cannot be directly attacked by such measures as land reform, the second‐best policy from the point of view of maximizing output may in fact be to encourage the use of ‘new’ inputs, such as fertilizers, in the commercial sector.  相似文献   


2.
According to total factor productivity trends in Chinese agriculture, China achieved productivity gains both when collectivising (1954–58) and when decollectivising (1979–84) its agriculture. If the productivity gains from decollectivisation were due mainly to eliminating the incentive problems of collective farms, how the initial collectivisation could also have been associated with gains in productivity presents a major historical puzzle. We suggest as an answer the possibility that agricultural production in China was widely organised on a household basis until 1958, despite the collectivisation of property rights, and that the formation of the agricultural producers’ co‐operatives reduced the inefficiencies in factor allocation that existed following China's land reform.  相似文献   

3.
Abstract

This article is an intervention in some controversies concerning the role of the Communist International in and outside China. It seeks to tackle the inappropriate denial of its guidance and aid to the Chinese Revolution. In doing so, this paper makes several arguments. First, it argues that the Communist International provided the Chinese Revolution with valuable guidance, support and assistance. These contributed tremendously to the Communist Party of China’s birth, development, consolidation and maturation and advanced its theoretical self-consciousness. Second, while the Communist International gave its guidance in the sincere hope that the Chinese Revolution would benefit from correct theories and advanced experiences, it absolutised the theoretical conceptions of the classical Marxists and the Russian experience. This led to mistakes or misjudgments that deserve an accurate evaluation. Third, the Communist International was itself conducting theoretical exploration, and was generally able to adjust its own theories and change its strategies. Fourth, for all the Communist International’s guidance, the universal tenets of Marxism had to be integrated with the concrete practice of the Chinese Revolution, and it was the ability of Chinese communists to Sinicise Marxism–Leninism in what amounted to a theoretical revolution under Mao Zedong’s leadership that accounts for the revolution’s ultimate victory.  相似文献   

4.
《Communist and Post》2003,36(3):259-272
While the Soviet Union imploded in the midst of its attempt to reform itself, more than a decade later China stands as a testament to the resilience of Communist rule. I suggest that one reason China has been able to stave off a regime collapse is that Chinese leaders have sought to learn from the collapse of the Soviet Union and are seeking to adjust their policies to buttress their political power. I present evidence in support of this position including statements of political leaders and party insiders, internal government documents, and Chinese scholarship on the Soviet collapse.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract

Wei Baqun, leader of the influential Donglan Peasant Movement in southern China in the 1920s and 1930s, was attacked by his Nationalist enemies as a real and dangerous Communist long before he joined the Chinese Communist Party. Meanwhile, some of his Communist comrades were reluctant to admit him into the Party or to recognize him as a genuine Communist even after he joined the Communist Party. But after his death, they all began to promote him as a perfect Communist. Through an analysis of Wei Baqun’s life and revolution, this article shows how controversial and conflicting perceptions of the political identity of a political leader could exert strong influence on the political career of the leader and on local and national politics in revolutionary China. The article also attempts to explain why the confusion and controversy over Wei Baqun’s identity dissipated after his death.  相似文献   

6.
Pioneering research on downstream linkages from agriculture is said to demonstrate that consumption links rather than production links are the main source of indrect growth effects, that these consumption links take the form of labour‐intensive goods and services produced locally, and that the largest farm enterprises are most locally multiplicative of activities mopping up surplus rural labour. This article has two purposes. First, the methodologies, assumptions and data base for the quantification of the local and non‐local regional multiplier effects from agricultural development are examined. Second, the contradictory interpretations for agricultural policy which have arisen from these exercises of quantification are discussed and an attempt made to explain their bases.  相似文献   

7.
The main objective of this paper is to model the production and supply response in Chinese agriculture, which includes not only the standard arguments like expected prices but also risk. We extend Lin's work [1991, 1992] by modelling supply response as a three-equation model. We fit our model to data for 28 Chinese provinces from 1970 to 1997 to determine whether national Chinese agricultural supply is price and price risk responsive. Further, we fit our model to data for North, Northeast, South and Southeast regions. Results from the three systems equations are compared to single equation estimations. At the national level, Chinese agriculture is found to be price and price risk responsive. The regional analyses suggest that significant regional differences exist. Unlike Lin, we do not find the household responsibility system (HRS) to be the dominant factor in increased yields in different regions of China.  相似文献   

8.
Based on interviews conducted with the Chinese elite, ranging from intellectuals to ex-army officers, this article examines Chinese society between 1978 and 1988, the 1988–89 period of crisis, and China's future prospects. The author analyzes the relative performance of the agricultural, rural-industrial, and heavy industrial sectors as well as the special economic zones over this period of time. China's debt problem, recent splits within the People's Liberation Army (PLA), the Communist Party's loss of legitimacy, and the rise of new interest groups are examined. The author concludes that present socio-economic trends indicate China with return to a program of economic liberation and political decentralization after the dealth of Deng. William McCord is professor of sociology at the Graduate Center and City College of the City University of New York, New York, NY 10031. His most recent books includePaths to Progress (1986),Voyages to Utopia (1990), andThe Dawn of the Pacific Century (1990).  相似文献   

9.
In this essay we develop a framework for analysing the major institutions governing the production and exchange of output and the primary factors of production in rural areas. The analysis incorporates general considerations of risk and information constraints jointly with the principal material attributes of agriculture and of agricultural production factors. The framework is used to analyse barriers to the existence of the major intertemporal and factor markets. It is applied specifically to land‐scarce environments for which it provides an internally consistent explanation for many of the well‐documented institutional features of such settings. In addition, the analysis provides new implications for, among other phenomena, the inter‐relationships among ownership holdings, operational scale, family size and factor productivity; for the scarcity of animal rental markets and use of animals as collateral; for the renting out of land by small landowners; and for the existence of plantations for certain crops.  相似文献   

10.
In 1956, the Chinese Communist state launched its official language policy, which included the promulgation of a standard spoken language, called Putonghua. Their justification for this policy and their methods for implementation were guided by intellectual and ideological frameworks that formed during decades preceding the policy's rollout. In particular, Communist language reform was predicated on the conceptualization of Putonghua as a holistic language meant to serve the national body—and of local dialects, called fangyan in Chinese, as dependent on Putonghua for their very definition. This article interrogates the history of this framework. Focusing on dialect surveys from the 1930s, Chinese interpretations of Marxist linguistic theory in the early years of the Communist state, and methods of Putonghua promulgation in the late 1950s, this article reconstructs the epistemological regimes that gave meaning to the concept of independence and autonomy as they related to language in modern China.  相似文献   

11.
There has been much interest lately in the phenomenon of industrial growth in Pakistan and in the leading industrial families who were in the centre of that growth. [G. F. Papanek, 1967; G. F. Papanek, 1971; H. Papanek, 1972]. There have been few efforts, however to measure directly the importance of these families and the causes and effects of their economic power. This article will attempt to provide some of these measures.

Section I estimates the overall concentration in the manufacturing sector in Pakistan and provides a few international comparisons. Section II will provide estimates of the more traditional concentration by industry, along with estimates of the leading families’ roles in those industries. Section III discusses the origins of both kinds of concentration. And Section IV will analyze the consequences ‐economic and non‐economic ‐ of this concentration. The data in this article relate mostly to 1968.1  相似文献   

12.
Ethiopia’s agriculture is in serious crisis even after the 1975 radical redistribution of land. A large number of internal and external factors which are often intricately interrelated are involved in generating this crisis. This paper contends that many of these factors are closely associated with the nature of the state. In an attempt to establish this association, the paper analyzes the changes both in the nature of the state and in the types of problems the country’s agriculture has encountered since the early 17th century when agricultural stagnation became more apparent. Emphasis is, however, placed on the post 1975 era.  相似文献   

13.
Discussions concerning rural development in Peru since the military coup of 1968 have focused mainly on the large‐scale land reform programme under which the coastal estates and many of the livestock and agricultural haciendas in the highlands have been expropriated [Petras and Rimensnyder, 1970, Quijano, 1971, and Hobsbawm, 1971]. This has tended to deflect interest from other important aspects of rural development policy. It would be wrong to assume that, prior to the latest reforms, the Peruvian scene consisted almost entirely of latifundia agriculture, for a substantial proportion of the productive agricultural land in both the highlands and coastal valleys was, and remains, in the control of smallholder farmers, or is held under communal ownership by peasant communities. In an attempt to incorporate these non‐hacienda zones into the plan for national development [Plan del Peru: 1971–1975], the government is encouraging the expansion of smallholder commercial production, the establishment of new, or the improvement of existing, marketing and servicing co‐operatives, and is promoting a re‐organisation of peasant communities with the long‐term objective of transforming them into modern production or multipurpose co‐operatives. This paper outlines recent legislation aimed at reforming these peasant communities and examines the social consequences of the new policy, particularly as it affects smallholder regions. We address ourselves mainly to two problems: Firstly, we wish to assess the effectiveness of the policy in transferring the benefits of community resources to the poorer strata of the rural population, a central aim of the reforms; and secondly, we want to isolate the factors which inhibit the emergence of viable modes of co‐operative organisation and which limit the role that community institutions can play in promoting local development. It is necessary in a paper of this length to confine ourselves mainly to an analysis of the situation in one district of the Mantaro Valley of Central Peru—that of Matahuasi—for which we have detailed data; although many of our conclusions, we believe, raise problems of general significance for interpreting the types of development strategies and priorities favoured by the present government.  相似文献   

14.
《二十世纪中国》2013,38(3):216-244
Abstract

This article investigates a transformative encounter between the Chinese artist Xu Beihong (徐悲鴻 1895–1953) and audiences in the Soviet Union during his 1933–1934 exhibitions of Chinese art in Europe. While Xu was exchanging perspectives and addressing questions about Chinese painting, a misreading of one of his paintings sparked in him a reconsideration of content and form that eventually led to the creation of some of the earliest Socialist realist ink-and-color paintings in China. This addition to his repertoire is arguably more significant to his legacy than his most popular works because of the way it heralded the coming Socialist realist evolution in guohua (國畫 national painting) and the manner in which Xu’s choices would meet the ideological needs of the Communist Party well before it secured authority over the direction of China’s arts. Special attention is paid to situating Xu’s personal work vis-à-vis Republican and revolutionary art and explaining how the concurrent political milieu paved the way for both the prestige of his art in popular and cultural memory and the unprecedented stature of his art education methodologies in China’s revolutionary times.  相似文献   

15.
The “information have-less” is a social, economic, and political category for millions of rural-to-urban migrants and laid-off workers, who populate the vast gray zone of China's digital divide. Disengaged from institutions of agricultural and industrial production, the information have-less make use of such inexpensive ICT services as Internet cafés, prepaid phone cards, and Little Smart mobile phones. These low-end digital technologies are critical to enhancing labor mobility (both physical and social) and to the formation of “translocal networks”. In this paper, we conduct a preliminary assessment of ICT usage in, key city-regions in China and consider the consequences of translocal network formations for evolving information inequality in China. These networks raise key theoretical issues related to regionalism, mobility, and state-firm relationships that impinge on low-end service provision, and stratified patterns of information access and utilization within the have-less populations. We view translocal networks an important socio-economic asset of the information have-less and an arena for the articulation of labor mobility in China’s industrialization process and latest wave of urbanization. Carolyn Cartier is associate professor of geography at the University of Southern California. She is the author ofGlobalizing South China (Blackwell, 2001) and the co-editor with Laurence J.C. Ma ofThe Chinese Diaspora: Place Space, Mobility and Identity (Routledge, 2003). Manuel Castells is Wallis Annenberg Chair in Communication Technology and Society at the University of Southern California, Research Professor at the Open University of Catalonia in Barcelona, and Professor Emeritus of Sociology and of City and Regional Planning at the University of California, Berkeley. His current, research focuses on the social and economic implications of the Internet and the debate on new development strategies for the Information Age. Jack Linchuan Qiu is assistant professor at the School of Journalism and Communication, Chinese University of Hong Kong. He co-founded and moderates the Chinese Internet Research Group, a network of researchers from the academic, policymaking, journalistic, and activist communities.  相似文献   

16.

The recent crackdown by the Chinese Communist Party government on the efforts of Chinese dissidents to organise the China New Democratic Party has raised a serious question among scholars: why has the Chinese leadership been so reluctant to initiate democratic reforms? But an equally important question is: how has the Chinese political system been able to accommodate drastic socioeconomic changes? Although Chinese leaders from Deng Xiaoping to Jiang Zemin have strongly opposed the Western style of democracy, they have continuously adjusted the country's political system to prevent socioeconomic chaos from occuring, chaos that has troubled many former communist states and Third World countries. This paper explores China's political incrementalism and explains how incremental political reforms have worked. It argues that, although Chinese leaders have so far been successful in accommodating social changes through incrementalism, they are still uncertain about how to cope with increasing social demands for political reform and democratisation.  相似文献   

17.
The purpose of this article is to examine certain aspects of the interaction between changes in agricultural technology and changes in the aggregate level of labour utilization in agriculture. The first part of the article describes an identity which establishes a relationship between the average output per person in agriculture, the size of the agricultural labour force in relation to the area under cultivation, and the average yield per acre of cultivated land. It also suggests that changes in each of the two latter parts of the identity can be associated with a particular form of technological change. The second part presents the Japanese, Taiwanese and Mexican experiences of agricultural growth in terms of the identity, with supporting data on the nature of the technological changes that have occurred. The final part begins with a summary of the experience of the three countries. Thereafter, it suggests that, in view of the high rate of growth of the labour force in developing countries, there should be a greater appreciation of the ways in which government policies may influence the direction of technological changes and of the possible implications of these changes on aggregate levels of labour utilization in agriculture.

The approach to assessing the impact of technological change that is incorporated in this paper differs in two respects from the approaches of standard literature on the subject (3, pp. 88–101; 4, pp. 709–29; 1, pp. 312–20). ? In the first place, it involves an explicit though partial explanation of the phenomenon rather than an emphasis on measuring its effect. Each of the two forms of technological change—land‐saving and labour‐saving—is identified as the introduction of particular new resources. A more complete explanation would require an additional hypothesis as to why individual entrepreneurs might want to innovate (that is, to introduce new resources); no such hypothesis is included in this study. In the second place, the suggested approach does not require the specification of a production function. The use of an identity has the advantage of allowing useful insights into the process of technological change while avoiding the analytical biases that can be introduced in specifying a production function.  相似文献   

18.
《二十世纪中国》2013,38(2):146-165
Abstract

Chinese émigré intellectuals who fled from the mainland before 1950 have long been a popular research topic within Chinese academia. While most existing literature tends to attribute the formation of the thought of these émigrés to various domestic factors, this article takes a new angle on the émigrés—putting their thinking in the context of the Cold War. Assessing the impact of anti-Communist Cold War currents on various Chinese émigré intellectuals, this study suggests that not all émigrés succumbed to these currents. Some were convinced by anti-utopian trends in the West and turned against all kinds of socialism. Some remained consistent in their socialist beliefs in the face of the Communist threat. Some perceived an urgent need to revive the Confucian tradition so as to counteract Communist expansion. Cold War currents were influential in the thought of some émigré intellectuals, but such an influence was rather limited.  相似文献   

19.
《Communist and Post》1999,32(3):281-303
Based on our reassessment of existing studies on political interest and apathy in various societies, we argue the urgent need for a more systematic and focused examination of mass political interest—as psychological involvement in politics—in China. Utilizing data collected from a public opinion survey conducted in Beijing, China in late 1995, we intend to shed some light on the level and sources of political interest in contemporary China. Contrary to the prevalent argument that most Chinese are politically apathetic, we have found that there was a rather high level of political interest within our sample. We have also found that both conventional variables (i.e. age, gender, education, income, political efficacy, and dissatisfaction with government performance) and variables unique to the Chinese setting (i.e. being a farmer, becoming a private entrepreneur, joining the Chinese Communist Party and holding leading position in the party/government) have significant effects on the levels of political interest.  相似文献   

20.
Abstract

This article investigates empirical connections between agriculture and child nutrition in Nepal. We augment the standard approach to explaining child nutrition outcomes by including information about household level agricultural production characteristics, including indicators of agricultural diversity. Data from the 2010/2011 Nepal Living Standards Survey (NLSS) are used in a series of regression models to explain stunting outcomes and variation in height-for-age Z-scores among 1,769 children 0–59 months of age. Results highlight the relative importance of overall agricultural yields, specific crop groups, and the consumption of own-production as factors correlated with long-term nutrition among children of different age groups. We find a small positive association between the degree of commercial market-orientation of households and child HAZ, but only among children under 24 months of age.  相似文献   

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