共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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山水交错的城市,总有些相像之处。比方说,伊斯坦布尔就经常让我想到香港和里斯本。最近这次到伊斯坦布尔,感觉公共交通比几年前更方便了,轻轨往西延伸到了机场,下飞机后只需花1.3新里拉坐轻 相似文献
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Roland Spickermann 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(6):925-939
Discussions about ethnic mobilization in eastern Europe have emphasized efforts of nationalist leaders to demarcate their community from their neighbors in mixed areas where ethnic boundaries and identities were blurred. Demarcation became a common means of defining the community both geographically and culturally, a process which later facilitated the community's mobilization. In the German Empire, however, the Polish–German demarcation was already stark, since it mostly coincided with Catholic–Protestant demarcations. But while the Polish community mobilized quickly and showed great solidarity, the German community did not. Using the Bromberg/Bydgoszcz administrative district as a model, the article argues that the local German community's internal divisions limited its ability to mobilize. Germans agreed on the need for greater German community solidarity, but differed on conceptualizations of its ideal structure and form. Liberal nationalists, envisioning a more egalitarian community defined by a common ethnicity, fought with local conservatives, who were as intent on preserving their prominence within the community as they were on struggling with the Poles. Such divisions crippled local German mobilization on any scale comparable to their Polish neighbors, suggesting that an ethnic community's self-demarcation is necessary but not sufficient to ensure its mobilization. 相似文献
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刘宝敬是个怪人。他的怪,不仅怪在想的、做的跟别人不一样,还怪在他很执著。刘宝敬的技术发明,迄今已申请了25项专利,称他是个“发明家”当不过分。但这25项专利没有一件能转化为产品。刘宝敬夫妻月收入只有2000元,搞发明他花了不少钱,穷得不但家徒四壁,而且四壁漏风。为了继续 相似文献
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Jon Binnie 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2014,27(2):241-257
While the growth of visibility of lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ) political struggles in Poland, and illiberal neo-populist reactions to the queer presence in public space and the public sphere since 2004 has spawned much academic debate, there has been less critical discussion of LGBTQ politics in relation to class and neoliberalism. This article seeks to make two key contributions to understandings of the relationships between gender, sexuality and political economy. The first is recognition of the tensions and contradictions inherent within practices of neoliberalisation. It is suggested that neoliberalism can be both generative and hostile towards LGBTQ politics. Processes of neoliberalisation produce queer winners and losers, and it is suggested that if sexually progressive alternatives to neoliberalism are to be developed, they need to recognise the tensions and contradictions inherent within processes of neoliberalism. In so doing, the class dimensions of neoliberal sexualities need to be made visible and examined critically. Secondly, it is argued that discussions of classed sexualities are often framed within specific national contexts, and thereby fail to recognise the transnational dimensions of classed sexualities. Discussions of the sexual politics of neoliberalism are often grounded in Anglo-American contexts and sometimes fail to recognise how neoliberal sexualities are framed outside of the West. These two key objectives are addressed by an examination of the economic and class dimensions of contemporary LGBTQ political struggles in Poland—specifically the organisation of marches for equality and tolerance within Polish cities since 2001. 相似文献
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政府当前要慎推以规模化集中经营为主要内容的“农业现代化”。从当前中国国情来看,城市是中国现代化的发展极,农村是中国现代化的稳定器。将农村暂时保留为进城失败农民的退路,可以为中国正面临的产业升级提供强大的缓冲带。 相似文献
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我们正处在一个重建秩序的时代。秩序从来就没有缺少,它只是需要更新;秩序也从来不会固定,固定了就意味着死亡。所以,我们也许永远都在建立秩序的过程中。即使如此,现在的新一轮重建也有足够的亮点值得我们特别关注。新力量在全面登场,新价值在全面涌现,新秩序在全面建立。“推陈出新”是这个时代的基调,“有破有立”是这个时代的特征。谁是“陈”,谁是“新”,谁被“破”, 相似文献
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