共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
1.
Robert Carle 《Society》2007,44(6):147-154
Nowhere is the fear, guilt, and pain of Germany’s dreadful past more evident that in contemporary debates over immigration
policy. This debate has pit successive Christian Democratic Union politicians, who define Germany in ethno-nationalist terms,
against the German left, which seeks to replace the volkish national tradition with a post-national multicultural identity.
Ethno-nationalists and multicultural post-nationalists speak powerful, but mutually exclusive, moral languages that galvanize
large segments of the German public. At the national level, extremists rarely succeed in Germany’s immigration debates, and
the legislation that prevails represents a chaotic mix of liberal and nationalist policies.
相似文献
Robert CarleEmail: |
2.
Richard Nunan 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):537-541
Consequentialist cosmopolitanism, Peter Higgins argues, enables closed border liberals to evade charges of moral hypocrisy
despite their commitment to moral equality of individuals, once we recognize that open border arguments rely on cosmopolitanism’s
individualism requirement, which ignores social realities relevant to a realistic assessment of the social consequences of
an open immigration policy. Higgins is mistaken, however, in contending that cosmopolitan individualism entails attention
to people only in their capacity as the abstract atomic individuals populating Charles Mills’ idealized social ontologies.
Conversely, if cosmopolitan individualism does compel us to think of people as abstract atomic individuals, we are not obliged
to think of them as relatively privileged. Under liberal cosmopolitanism, however, which prohibits state discrimination between
citizens and non-citizens, open border policies are subject to no such consequentialist objections.
相似文献
Richard NunanEmail: |
3.
Alexander Brown 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):435-464
This article considers whether or not there are any global egalitarian rights through a critical examination of the political
philosophy of Ronald Dworkin. Although Dworkin maintains that equal concern is the special and indispensable virtue of sovereigns
and the hallmark of a fraternal political community, it is far from obvious whether the demands of equality stop at state
borders. While some scholars in the field—most notably Thomas Pogge—posit the existence of negative rights in relation to
social and economic inequalities at the global level, here I try to defend the existence of positive global egalitarian rights
by appealing to Dworkin’s own two principles of ethical individualism. I also set out the framework for a version of what
I call global luck egalitarianism based on Dworkin’s equality of resources and try to respond to David Miller’s charge that
comparative principles of justice do not apply at the global level.
相似文献
Alexander BrownEmail: |
4.
Carole J. Wilson 《Political Behavior》2008,30(2):161-183
This paper brings to political science a new decision-making model based on research in consumer behavior. Individuals do
not necessarily make choices from the universe of alternatives; rather, they choose from a “consideration set,” a notion derived
from both utility maximization and information processing theories. Here I apply a model of heterogeneous consideration sets
to voting in the 2000 Mexican national election. I argue that the sub-national variation in the strength of Mexican parties
leads to heterogeneous consideration sets, resulting in individuals with identical issue preferences and personal attributes
making different voting decisions. Application of this model provides both interesting substantive conclusions about vote
choice in Mexico and a more general theoretical innovation regarding vote choice.
相似文献
Carole J. WilsonEmail: |
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7.
Roberto G. Gonzales 《Society》2009,46(5):419-422
Changes in immigration laws over the last three to four decades have given rise to unprecedented numbers of undocumented children.
However, as others have argued, policies regarding the control of undocumented migration have had deleterious effects on undocumented
children and their basic access to social rights. Undocumented youth in the United States can legally attend K-12 education,
but cannot legally work, vote, receive financial aid, or drive in most states. Their situation calls for a reexamination of
immigration laws and a recasting of the frame that has been used to promote their inclusion.
R. G. Gonzales is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood. 相似文献
Roberto G. GonzalesEmail: |
R. G. Gonzales is an Assistant Professor at the University of Washington School of Social Work. His current recent research examines the role of policy and mediating institutions in shaping the on-the ground realities and options available to unauthorized Mexican youth as they transition to adulthood. 相似文献
8.
Marc Bühlmann Wolfgang Merkel Lisa Müller Bernhard Weßels 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):114-122
Ohne Zusammenfassung
* Die vier Autor(inn)en arbeiten in einem gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des NCCR Democracy (vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds
finanziertes National Centre of Competence in Research: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century) und des WZB an einem „Demokratiebarometer“ für die 30 OECD-Staaten, das die Ignoranz der 0-Varianz bei Polity und Freedom House aufkl?ren will.
相似文献
Marc Bühlmann (Corresponding author)Email: |
Wolfgang MerkelEmail: |
Lisa MüllerEmail: |
Bernhard We?elsEmail: |
9.
David Stoll 《Society》2009,46(5):398-402
According to the latest U.S. Census projection, the arrival of immigrants and their higher birthrates, projected forward at
current rates, will turn the U.S. into a “minority–majority” society in 2042, 8 years earlier than the Census used to predict.
Liberals tend to view immigration to the U.S. as a human right, but many employers prefer to hire immigrants because they
can be paid less than the cost of reproducing their labor-that is, the cost of keeping an American family above the poverty
line. One way of looking at the resulting debates over U.S. immigration policy is in terms of moral economy, that is, how
different factions compete for moral authority in order to gain control over a desired good. In this case, the desired good
is American citizenship, including access to the highest consumption rates on the planet, and national definitions of citizenship
are competing with transnational or globalist definitions of citizenship. Constructing moral rhetoric for either national
or transnational definitions of citizenship requires excluding information that does not serve the cause. One way of spotlighting
the omissions is to look at each moral economy as a highly selective version of the American Dream.
相似文献
David StollEmail: |
10.
Jon A. Shields 《Society》2009,46(3):224-226
Conservative, and particularly religious opponents of enhancement technologies and of prolonging life indefinitely face formidable
challenges from policymakers who are largely liberated from any forms of Christian moral consensus. This is the predicament
of Daniel Callahan and others who are unable to translate their inescapably religious objections in secular terms.
相似文献
Jon A. ShieldsEmail: |
11.
We argue that the post-9/11 environment has amounted to a substantive change in the longstanding United States relationship
with the international human rights regime. We identify three distinct phases of that relationship, noting that in the most
recent phase, since 9/11, the US has moved from passive support of the international human rights regime to a direct attack
of that regime. Realist and liberal regime theories suggest that the human rights regime is relatively weak, and is unlikely
to withstand such an attack. We find that the regime has not only continued to persist, but has flourished even as US support
has faltered. The human rights regime is surprisingly strong. We argue it is the ideological nature of the regime that explains
its resilience, which suggests that constructivist theory is necessary to fully understand the human rights regime.
相似文献
Rhonda L. CallawayEmail: |
12.
Does Workplace Experience Enhance Political Participation? A Critical Test of a Venerable Hypothesis
Per Adman 《Political Behavior》2008,30(1):115-138
Several schools of thought claim that citizens can develop their democratic skills at the workplace. Here I focus on the hypothesis
put forward by Carole Pateman and by Sidney Verba and colleagues that state that by practicing civic skills and democratic
decision-making at the workplace, citizens become more active in politics. I test the hypothesis with a nationally representative
panel survey of the Swedish population. My findings contradict previous empirical research as no impact on political participation
was discovered. I argue that the effects may have been overestimated in prior studies because the tests were based on cross-sectional
data: insufficient care was taken with a number of significant methodological problems. The study points to the importance
of using panel models when investigating the causes of political participation.
相似文献
Per AdmanEmail: |
13.
This paper explores whether an individual’s news source can explain their attitudes on immigration. We focus on the Spanish-speaking
population in the U.S., since they have the option of accessing their news in English, Spanish or in both languages. Our audience influence hypothesis predicts that Spanish-language news will cover immigration in a more positive and informative manner than will English-language
news. Thus, Latinos who use Spanish-language news may have a higher likelihood of possessing pro-immigrant sentiments than
Latinos who only use English-language news. Content analysis of Spanish and English-language television news segments reveals
variations in the tone and substance of these news outlets. Analysis of Latino survey respondents indicates that immigration
attitudes vary by news source. Generational status also influences Latinos’ immigration attitudes, though its impact is not
as great as one’s news source.
相似文献
Simran SinghEmail: |
14.
Joel Turner 《Political Behavior》2007,29(4):441-464
Survey research has demonstrated that citizens perceive ideological bias in television news, specifically with regard to CNN
and Fox News Channel (FNC), which allegedly represent the liberal and conservative viewpoint, respectively. In this paper
I argue that attaching the CNN and FNC labels to news stories sends an ideological cue to the viewer regarding the content
of the story. Utilizing an experimental design that allows manipulation of the network attribution of actual FNC and CNN content,
I am able to demonstrate that the CNN and FNC labels function as ideological signals to the viewer, with this signal being
most pronounced among ideologues whose views are supposedly at odds with those attributed to the network.
相似文献
Joel TurnerEmail: |
15.
Wilfred M. McClay 《Society》2007,44(6):160-163
The American approach to secularism is distinctive, differing from the laicite of the French or the Turks in its greater friendliness
to the public expression of religious beliefs and sentiments. Such arrangements are challenging to sustain, requiring constant
renegotiation of acceptable boundaries, but may also provide a more fruitful way of drawing on the moral energies and insights
of religion while keeping them contained within appropriate limits.
相似文献
Wilfred M. McClayEmail: |
16.
Diqing Lou 《Journal of Chinese Political Science》2009,14(2):167-190
This paper is interested in the decline of congressional voting in urban China. Classic studies in comparative politics long
argue that with economic development, countries would experience increased level of political participation. Employing the
1993 Social Mobility and Social Change Survey and 2002 Asian Barometer Survey, I found congressional voting in urban China
declined substantially in the past decade. With the analyses of the Probit Model and Generalized Linear Model, I contributed
this decline to the disappearance of sociopolitical institutions that used to serve critical conduits for citizens’ participation.
I argue that although economic development produces more resources to encourage participation, overall political participation
actually declines in urban China and the public opts to withdraw from politics.
Dr. Diqing Lou is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Potical Science at Rider University. Her main area of research is comparative politics, especially Chinese politics, with a focus on political participation, political representation and development of civil society. 相似文献
Diqing LouEmail: |
Dr. Diqing Lou is an Assistant Professor at the Department of Potical Science at Rider University. Her main area of research is comparative politics, especially Chinese politics, with a focus on political participation, political representation and development of civil society. 相似文献
17.
Marc D. Guerra 《Society》2009,46(4):333-340
This essay examines the viability of a publically held, articulated, and enacted bioethic in America's democratic regime.
The essay takes the writings of several thinkers associated with the President's Council on Bioethics as its point of departure.
The essay draws attention to some of the enduring moral, political, religious, and intellectual currents inherent in American
civil society that will continue to provide both resources for and obstacles to any publicly held bioethic in America.
相似文献
Marc D. GuerraEmail: |
18.
Collective Action and Citizen Responses to Global Warming 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
This paper expands the relevance of the collective interest model of mass political action to explain collective-action behavior
in the context of global warming and climate change. The analysis is an attempt to answer Ostrom’s call for a behavioral model
of collective action that can be generalized beyond political protest to other collective-action problems. We elaborate, specify,
and empirically test a collective interest model approach to citizen policy support, environmental political participation,
and environmental behavior related to the issue of global warming. Key elements of the collective interest model—perceived
risk, personal efficacy, and environmental values—are found to be directly, and positively, related to support of government
policies and personal behaviors that affect global warming. We also discuss the links between the collective interest model
and other important approaches to political behavior.
相似文献
Arnold VedlitzEmail: |
19.
Josiah McC. Heyman 《Society》2009,46(5):412-415
Immigration is related to widening inequality and insecurity in the United States, but it is not the main cause of such changes
and to focus on the host/immigrant conflict diverts attention from many different elite projects that have widened inequality.
Moral arguments about immigration cannot just address outsiders who only want to get into nations, but must address the moral
situation of people in the process of entry and especially of insider/outsiders, people already in. Over the long run, civic
nationalism is a healthier model than exclusionary biological or cultural fundamentalist definitions of the national community.
Josiah Heyman is Professor of Anthropology and Chair of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of Texas at El Paso. He is the author or editor of three books and author of over 50 scholarly articles, book chapters, and essays. He can be contacted at jmheyman@utep.edu. 相似文献
Josiah McC. HeymanEmail: |
Josiah Heyman is Professor of Anthropology and Chair of the Department of Sociology and Anthropology at the University of Texas at El Paso. He is the author or editor of three books and author of over 50 scholarly articles, book chapters, and essays. He can be contacted at jmheyman@utep.edu. 相似文献
20.
Steven D. Ealy 《Society》2008,45(5):415-418
The 2008 presidential election will be significant both for domestic and for foreign policy. Issues of security in domestic
policy will continue to trump issues of freedom. The difficulties of resolving our military presence in Iraq will be the first
among many important issues the new administration must confront. In both domestic and foreign affairs the new administration
will have to deal with the unanticipated consequences of inherited policies even as it creates its own agenda and its own
set of unintended consequences.
相似文献
Steven D. EalyEmail: |