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在私权利、公权力和社会权力的错落处——“黄碟案”的一个解读 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
“黄碟案”涉及到作为国家公权力的警察行政权力、作为公民私权利的隐私权和作为社会权力的媒体舆论权力.这三者的性质不同,但它们之间有着密切的关联和制约关系.…… 相似文献
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《Russian Politics and Law》2013,51(4):53-63
The author analyzes the interrelated functioning of local regimes and the "power vertical," focusing on the distribution of political rents. 相似文献
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税权划分规范与否,关系到中央和地方两级税制体系能否规范建立和有效运行。针对我国税收立法权高度集中于中央、税收征管权交叉重叠等税收权划分问题,本文比较国际上通行的三种税权划分模式,认为我国应选择“合理集权、适度分权”的分权模式。并指出赋予地方适度税收立法权、合理调整税种归属及其征管权、完善转移支付制度是当前规范我国税权划分、重新架构地方税制体系的具体政策选择。 相似文献
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Juha Rikk 《Ratio juris》2000,13(2):162-176
I shall consider whether morality requires citizens of democratic societies to advance secular reasons in public debates on political questions. Is it wrong to give purely religious reasons in political discussion? I shall argue that the moral acceptability of public religious arguments that are not supported with secular reasons depends on the political context we are discussing, and that often there is nothing wrong with using religious considerations. I shall also discuss the so‐called shared premises requirement in political argumentation. The overall aim of the paper is to clarify intuitions concerning the ideals of public reason on the one hand, and the commitment to religious liberty on the other. 相似文献
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论中国中央与地方府际权力关系的重构 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
中国中央与地方关系问题是国家体制改革的基本问题。论述了中国中央与地方府际权力关系的重构的若干原则、良性互动机制以及法制保障的问题。提出了处理中央与地方关系的八项原则:统一性与灵活性相结合原则、集权与分权相平衡原则、公民权利决定公共权力原则、地方自治原则、行政区划与经济区域相协调原则、行政区域与司法区域相分离原则、公共权力成本最小原则、中央与地方关系法制原则。并提出了构建中央与地方之间良性互动机制的若干途径。 相似文献
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Robert S. Summers 《Ratio juris》2001,14(1):106-129
The author explains that there is scope for a general theory about the nature and place of form in the fundamentals of law. Form organizes the institutions, rules and other varieties of law, and the system as a whole. All such constructs have non‐formal elements, too, but form unifies each construct and provides its criteria of identity. Appropriate form makes a system of law possible. It also tends to beget good content in the law. It is indispensable to the basic needs of a legal system, and when such an end is organizational, as with democracy, liberty, and the rule of law, form is end as well as means. 相似文献
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论地方行政权力清单制度及其法制化 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
权力清单本质上是对行政法律法规中有关行政权能的细化、整合和集中,它进一步明确了行政权的范围并将政府权力置于阳光下,具有控制和规范行政权的作用和价值。在当下的地方政府权力清单推行过程中,存在着政府及其职能部门不主动、不积极,权力清单的内容不完整、不客观以及不合法等问题。必须将地方政府权力清单制度予以法制化,这是稳步推进权力清单制度顺利推行的需要,是确保权力清单内容合法性的需要,也是保证权力清单内容得以顺利实现的需要。要以法律或行政法规的形式对权力清单制度进行明确规定,并以地方性法规的形式对权力清单的内容及其制定程序予以法制化。 相似文献
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光绪三十二年(1906年)十月二十七日,清廷颁行《大理院审判编制法》,共45条,其中有6条涉及到检察机构或检察官(第七、十二、十三、三十一、三十九、四十五条)。《大理院审判编制法》对审检机构采用的是四级机构设制,“(第二条)大理院在京直辖审判厅局有三:(1)京师高等审判厅。(2)京师城内外地方审判厅。 相似文献
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The aim of the paper is that of discussing some recent antipositivist theses, with specific reference to the arguments that focus on the alleged incapability of legal positivism to understand and explain the complex normative structure of constitutional states. One of the central tenets of legal positivism (in its guise of methodological or conceptual positivism) is the theory of the separation between law and morality. On the assumption that in contemporary legal systems, constitutional law represents a point of intersection between law and basic moral values, antipositivists contrast legal positivism with two main arguments. First, on a more general level, the positivist theory of the separation between law and morality is questioned; then, and consequently, the neutrality thesis in the juristic study of law is rejected. The author discusses both these antipositivist arguments, and offers a brief defence of methodological positivism. 相似文献
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Jessica T. Simes 《Journal of Quantitative Criminology》2018,34(2):513-533
Objectives
Research on race and urban poverty views incarceration as a new and important aspect of social disadvantage in inner-city neighborhoods. However, in quantitative studies of the spatial distribution of imprisonment across neighborhoods, the pattern outside urban areas has not been examined. This paper offers a unique analysis of disaggregated prison admissions and investigates the spatial concentrations and levels of admissions for the entire state of Massachusetts.Methods
Spatial regressions estimate census tract-level prison admission rates in relation to racial demographics, social and economic disadvantage, arrest rates, and violent crime; an analysis of outlier neighborhoods examines the surprisingly high admission rates in small cities.Findings
Regression analysis yields three findings. First, incarceration is highly spatially concentrated: census tracts covering 15% of the state’s population account for half of all prison admissions. Second, across urban and non-urban areas, incarceration is strongly related to concentrated disadvantage and the share of the black population, even after controlling for arrest and crime rates. Third, the analysis shows admission rates in small urban satellite cities and suburbs comprise the highest rates in the sample and far exceed model predictions.Conclusion
Mass incarceration emerged not just to manage distinctively urban social problems but was characteristic of a broader mode of governance evident in communities often far-removed from deep inner-city poverty. These notably high levels and concentrations in small cities should be accounted for when developing theories of concentrated disadvantage or policies designed to ameliorate the impacts of mass incarceration on communities.13.
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《工伤保险条例》规定,在工作时间和工作场所内受到伤害的应该认定为工伤。但在具体工伤认定案件中,因为《条例》对工作场所的含义没有做出具体的解释,所以执法人员、劳动者和企业负责人容易产生争议。事实上,该问题的解决必须把握正确的方向,即应该以劳动者利益优先保护原则作为出发点,同时兼顾用人单位的利益。在总结有关法律规定和各种不同观点的基础上,可以认定工伤是因工而伤,凡是与劳动者的工作存在直接的或者间接的联系的处所都可界定为工作场所。 相似文献
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魏胜强 《西南政法大学学报》2012,14(5):3-9
在我国当前的法律解释体制中,除审判机关和检察机关之外的不少地方国家机关具有法律解释权(包括地方性法规、地方政府规章的解释权),导致了法制的混乱。这些机关行使法律解释权尽管有一定的合理性,但其弊端是显而易见的。从理论上说,地方的立法机关、行政机关、检察机关和审判机关都不应当行使法律解释权。因此,应当取消当前地方一切国家机关的法律解释权,保障法官在个案中的法律解释权。 相似文献
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地方各级政府作为公共政策、法律法规的执行型组织必须高度重视执行力和公信力的建设。提升政府机关执行力和公信力必须在依法治国基本方略指引下,紧紧围绕依法行政的基本要求,逐步提高地方各级政府机关的行政效能,建设符合区域经济社会发展要求的服务型政府、法治政府、责任政府。 相似文献
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在我国这样的单一制国家,地方权力的行使也不可避免,但在地方权力行使的同时我们对这种权力的属性却没能进行深入的研究,这使得地方与中央的权力关系很难理清,进而我们现在所进行的中央与地方的权力配置就具有某种盲目性。在我国,地方权力与中央权力一样都是在统治权力的权属与权能分离过程中治理权力行使的体现,只是两者的分工不同而已。为了使人民更好地行使统治权力,必须合理地配置中央与地方的权力。这种权力配置在静态上要求职权法定;同时,由于权力在行使过程中所表现出来的差异性,这种权力配置还要求动态的权能配置的法治化和权力行使的正当化。因此,我国中央与地方权力配置的应然状态就是通过静态的权限划分和动态的权能配置实现权力行使所指向的特定目的,而不至于陷入实用主义的泥沼。 相似文献
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