Contemporary Russian conservatism

This article analyzes contemporary Russian conservatism through the prism of ideational and positionist ideological perspectives. The author argues that Russian conservatism proposes a distinct value package through its anthropocentric nature, its plans for modernization of Russia, and its future outlook that must rest on the best elements of tradition. The author compares these trends with the Western conservative tradition, making distinct parallels between the two strands of conservative thought. The author also explores the attitude of Russian conservatism toward the post-modern world. This is intrinsically linked to the discussion of Russia's attempts to develop a political and ideational alternative to the West, introduce a distinct model for the architecture of international relations, and find Russia's position in the global world.     

Playing with Information: The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict in the Russian Press

This article examines how the modern Russian press covers the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, both historically and currently. Since print media are some of the most popular sources of information in Russia, such analysis helps us understand the media's priorities in presenting the conflict to Russian society. The article focuses on the inherently manipulative, albeit hidden, essence and layout of this material, which increases the likelihood of information bias. While the quality of the reporting on this conflict demonstrates the proximity of contemporary Russian media to the interests of the country's ruling powers, it also provides opportunities for the government to influence its audience's comprehension of Middle East politics.     

20世纪中俄民间组织的合作与中俄关系

本文探讨了20世纪中俄民间组织合作的历史、合作规模、合作模式以及对中俄关系发展的影响.考察了20世纪初旅俄华侨组织的维权活动,20-40年代哈尔滨、上海等地俄侨的文化教育活动,民国时期诸种苏联研究会的研究宣传活动,新中国时期中苏友协对苏联全方位的宣传活动,改革开放以后中、俄民间组织在两国经贸、文化、教育、学术等诸多领域的活动.认为,20世纪中俄民间组织合作大体上有"民间组织合作"和"民间组织+官方"两种基本的合作模式.就合作规模而言,世纪初可谓涓涓细流,50年代掀起大潮,60年代跌入低谷,90年代以后呈现多领域、多层次稳定合作的发展态势.20世纪中俄民间合作内容异彩纷呈,成为两国关系的重要补充--在政治领域,发动群众实施国家大政方针,延长了国家的手臂;在经贸领域,依靠民间力量排除一些国家暂无力顾及的障碍因素,成为国家的帮手;在文化、科学、教育等领域,利用民间组织决策及活动灵活的优点,成为两国交往穿针引线的巧手.20世纪中俄民间组织合作已经成为两国国家间关系发展的重要组成部分,中俄民间组织合作潜力巨大,可以大有作为.     

俄罗斯经济的转折点与“俄罗斯病”

俄罗斯经济一度在油价的暴涨中实现了高增长,但在2008年油价暴跌之后,俄面临着经济增长的转折点。虽说俄罗斯的经济转型伴随着一系列的市场经济结构改革,但还是对于油价变动反应过度。俄受油价变动摆布的资源依赖型经济可统称为"俄罗斯病"。这其实是一种"石油诅咒"综合症,但它不同于"荷兰病"。虽然俄罗斯历经石油价格高涨→实际汇率升值→进口扩大的发展路径,却没有出现GDP增长递减和制造业增长低迷的现象。因为俄国内市场大于荷兰,而且制造业发展缓慢。我们不能期待出现治愈"俄罗斯病"的特效药和特需,而有效利用资源利益来推动其经济发展是俄罗斯的现实选择。俄罗斯以"推翻世界史"的速度实现了开放的市场经济,但是,在重构文化背景和制造业基础之后再来发展经济恐怕还需时日。     

Lawmaking and Decree Making in the Russian Federation: Time,Space, and Rules in Russian National Policymaking

Russia's 1993 constitution created a hybrid presidential-parliamentary system in which the president has the power to initiate and veto legislation and to issue normative decrees. Using a comprehensive examination of laws and decrees promulgated in 1994-2004, three political scientists identify key influences on the use of lawmaking and decree-making powers by the president and parliament: constitutional constraints on the use of decree-making power, temporal considerations, and the effect of change in the policy distance between the president and the Duma. The interplay of these forces is illustrated in a case study of the use of law and decree in setting policy on land ownership.     

The Unification of Law in the Russian Federation

How have fluctuating approaches to federalism in post-Soviet Russia affected its legal system? This article examines the core legal subjects, processes, and institutions composing the Russian legal system. The source of legal changes, as Russian federalism has shifted from decentralized beginnings under Yel'tsin to the current centralized system under Medvedev and Putin, is evaluated. Seeds for centralization in the original 1993 Constitution and the roles of "top down," "bottom up," and "outside in" pressures to centralize the federal system are examined. The degree of unification and centralization of Russian law and the de facto nature of the legal system are analyzed.     

传统文化、意识形态与当代中越关系

中国和越南是邻邦,拥有共同的传统文化和意识形态,这是影响两国关系发展的重要因素,使得中越两国关系呈现出一般双边关系所没有或者不多见的特点.总的来看,共同的传统文化、意识形态对中越两国双边关系起到了积极的促进作用.     

网络政治意识形态身份认同及其路径选择

网络政治意识形态身份认同是身份政治认同的组成部分,又具有自身的特性。网络政治意识形态身份认同包括两部分:网络主流政治意识形态身份认同和网络非主流政治意识形态身份认同。网络主流政治意识形态与非主流政治意识形态都存在着解构与重构、共识与断裂、信任与质疑的可能性与现实性,增加了网络政治意识形态身份认同的复杂性。网络政治意识形...     

米尔斯基和他的《俄国文学史》

"公爵同志"米尔斯基是20世纪二三十年代欧美和苏联文学界、知识界的重要人物之一,他充满突转的生活经历和坚忍不拔的文学活动构成文坛的一段传奇,甚或那一代俄国知识分子之命运的缩影和象征。他用英文撰写的《俄国文学史》被纳博科夫称为"用包括俄语在内的所有语言写就的最好一部俄国文学史",所谓"米尔斯基文学史"因其"折中主义"的文学史观、主客观统一的批评手法和极富个性的话语风格而独树一帜,被视为西方俄国文学研究的奠基之作,长期被欧美高校斯拉夫系用作俄国文学史教材,其影响历久不衰。     

Police reform in Russia: the policy process in a hybrid regime

Do hybrid regimes have policy processes distinct from other regime types? This article explores this issue through a case study of police reform in Russia, focusing specifically on the adoption of a new Law on the Police from 2009 to 2011. Drawing on concepts from the comparative policymaking literature, the study traces the policy enactment process and shows how the public parts of the process were largely (but not entirely) a façade behind which the real policy process took place.     

无处不在的身影——东正教介入俄罗斯社会政治生活试析

东正教在俄国远不只是一种宗教,而是俄罗斯文化传承的重要载体,在后苏联成为俄联邦重构的重要社会资源、政治力量和精神动力,被视为是标示俄罗斯民族精神的最重要标志。在后苏联到来过程和重建过程中,东正教扮演了极其重要的角色,而且这种角色源于俄国的历史进程。其实,无论是就基督教神学理论还是就俄国史而言,缺少了对东正教因素的考虑,就无法描述俄国社会进程。近20年来,俄国社会进程和东正教紧密相关,因此,当代俄国人能基于东正教信仰,去批判性地面对后苏联社会变革所带来的各种重大问题。除此之外,东正教还积极介入俄罗斯的对外事务,成为影响俄对外关系的一个不可忽视的重要因素。     

Three models of integration and the Estonian/Russian reality

Abstract

This paper provides a framework for evaluation of Estonia's integration program that the government approved in 2000. It differentiates three “integration” processes that the literature has identified: (1) integration in which Russians and Estonians meld into a common new culture, though predominantly Estonian; (2) assimilation of Russians into Estonian culture; and (3) integration into a common external framework as part of an expanded EU. Relying upon a review of the Estonian and Russian-language press since 2000 and a new survey of 9th year students and their parents conducted in 2002, the paper offers a fourth model of integration in which two integration processes — Russians integrating into Estonian society and both Russians and Estonians integrating into an English-speaking Europe — are taking place simultaneously. Furthermore, the data show that the Estonian government program is reinforcing rather than altering these integration processes.     

Between crises and sanctions: economic policy of the Russian Federation

This paper examines the root causes and features of crises of the Russian economy in 2014–2015 as a combination of structural and institutional problems, as well as cyclical and external shocks. The demand-side model of economic growth based on massive windfall revenue from oil and gas exports from the 2000s is now exhausted, and the country needs to shift to a new, supply-side model of growth. Mobilization and liberalization are discussed as two key economic policy alternatives. The analysis includes historical retrospection, which provides some important lessons from economic developments in the twentieth century: the Great Depression and the period of stagflation, the Soviet industrialization debate and perestroika, and the New Economic Policy in the USSR and the contemporary modernization of China. Special attention is paid to the mechanisms of economic growth acceleration in present-day Russia. They include macroeconomic stabilization, structural and institutional reforms based on liberalization of economic activity, and guarantees of property rights.     

俄罗斯哲学现代性批判思想的基本范式

反思与批判现代性是处于现代化与后现代化夹缝中的俄罗斯哲学的重要内容.俄罗斯文化作为俄罗斯哲学反思现代性的理论工具,其人文性、浪漫性、集体性和宗教性的基本特质决定了俄罗斯哲学现代性批判思想以俄罗斯哲学世界观的本体主义、生命体验、精神共性和实践意向为核心阐释原则.再加上俄罗斯哲学的终极关怀价值取向促使其对一般社会历史过程发起整体反思,在一定程度上跳出了现代性思想的思维定式来审视社会的现代化进程,呈现出后现代性建构指向.当代俄罗斯哲学在经历了苏联解体的痛苦蜕变之后,开始重新认识俄罗斯传统哲学的精神价值,其产生到走向成熟到再度复兴的演进逻辑正是对现代性的批判性反思初步洞悉到逐步深入并走向世界的过程.因此,对俄罗斯哲学现代性批判思想的理论工具、阐释原则、建构指向进行论证与分析,可充分挖掘其现代性批判范式的内在逻辑并把握其当代发展态势.     

Endurance of the Soviet imperial tongue: the Russian language in contemporary Georgia

This article will examine the role of the Russian language on the periphery of the post-Soviet space by using multiple sources of data, including original matched-guise experiments, to examine the language situation in contemporary Georgia. This is one of the former Soviet republics in which the use of the titular language was most intensively institutionalized and that most ardently resisted Russification, and one that today for various reasons is most eager to escape the legacy of its Soviet past and to embed itself in the global community. In Georgia the cultural and political influence of the former imperial centre has been greatly reduced, and Russian has been challenged in functional roles by the new international lingua franca of English. The direction that the Russian language takes in a place like Georgia may be a useful bellwether for such transformations elsewhere in the post-Soviet periphery.     

‘They do not help,only demoralize’: peasant nachalniks and the last imperial Russian reform on the Kazakh Steppe, 1902–1917

ABSTRACT

This article studies an early-twentieth-century reform in local administration on the Kazakh Steppe. It was catalyzed by the massive in-migration of peasant settlers from European Russia, which required fundamentally new administrative forms and institutional decisions from the state. In 1902 the Russian Empire extended the Temporary Regulation on Peasant Nachalniks, which was previously law only in Siberia, to the steppe oblasts of Akmola, Turgai, Semipalatinsk and Uralsk. In examining discussions surrounding the implementation of the new law, this article uncovers the complexity and ambiguities of the decisions that were made, the problems the new law faced, and the wide array of participants in enacting it. The article also compiles a socio-cultural portrait of the peasant nachalniks and the activities they undertook. Finally, it addresses how the Kazakh population perceived these new officials, and how they interacted with representatives of the Kazakh administration, which was crucial to their effectiveness.     

一劳永逸净化俄罗斯——1922年俄共(布)驱逐知识分子运动

1922年,俄共(布)经过精心准备,发起了一场驱逐旧知识分子的运动.这场运动是布尔什维克党镇压反对派行动的必然延续,是苏维埃意识形态建设的组成部分,对布尔什维克党与知识分子正常关系的建立产生巨大的消极影响.驱逐运动以人文和社会科学学者为主要打击对象,70余名俄罗斯传统思想和文化的优秀代表被迫离开祖国,而俄共(布)期望的知识分子无产阶级化并没有出现.政治上的不信任和长期的意识形态钳制,制造了苏联特有的"夜间人"现象.     

The role of the pristavstvo institution in the context of Russian imperial policies in the Kazakh Steppe in the nineteenth century

The institution of pristavstvo was introduced in the Kazakh Steppe in the first decade of the nineteenth century. This institution had different meanings and functions, from an individually held position (e.g., a pristav to the khān of the Junior Horde in 1820; the pristavs who accompanied the Kazakh delegation to Saint Petersburg in the first half of the nineteenth century) to an administrative-territorial structure (e.g., the pristavstvo of the Senior Horde; the Mangyshlak and Zaisan pristavstvos). Though the political structure of the Russian empire had included institutions analogous to the pristavstvo, it was not a conventional component of the Russian administrative system. Studying the features of the pristavstvo institution in the territory of Kazakhstan and analysing the transformation of the pristav's function provide new insights on how the multi-ethnic Russian empire was managed. They will also help scholars to better understand the forms and methods the Russian authorities employed to manage their nomadic populations.     

俄罗斯地缘政治构想与异化的格俄关系

苏联解体后格俄关系的走向,主要由俄罗斯政府及其政界对格鲁吉亚所持的态度决定.俄地政治家的思想和观念长期形塑着俄罗斯的政策,他们的核心主张是抑制格与西方的接近,分裂格鲁吉亚,最终消除俄在南高加索地区的障碍.在格鲁吉亚方面,虽然在不同时期采取了不同的策略,但恢复其领土完整是不变的目标.俄格不同的定位,使得后苏联时期双方的关系异化,并导致了2008年的冲突.糟糕的是,这场冲突并没有改变俄格任何一方的立场,反而强化了各自固有的目标.     

俄罗斯推行经济外交与新世纪的中俄关系

本文认为当前俄罗斯外交战略最突出的特点是推行经济外交,从这个研究视角出发,作者叙述了俄罗斯推行经济外交的具体措施,分析了中国在俄罗斯经济外交中所处的地位,对“中俄经济合作关系滞后论”、“滞后的经济合作关系必然影响中俄整体合作关系”的观点提出了质疑,认为目前中俄贸易合作关系与俄罗斯其他贸易伙伴相比并不滞后,真正滞后的是两国的相互投资合作,目前两国的经济合作水平不足以影响中俄关系良好的发展。