Russia and Ukraine Ten Years After the Fall of the Communist Regimes: Similarities and Differences

Ukraine made a considerable contribution to the collapse of the USSR. The continued existence of the Soviet empire was unthinkable without its participation. If Ukraine had not become fully autonomous, an alliance of the three eastern Slavic peoples would have been likely—that is, an abridged version of the USSR. After the August 1991 putsch, all the union republics except Russia seceded from the Soviet Union. According to political reality, Ukraine's independence meant its separation from Russia, since the USSR had in fact already ceased to exist by the autumn of 1991. Under Yeltsin, Russia, in a sense, swallowed up the USSR.     

A Comparative Analysis of Trends in Regional Development in Russia and Ukraine

The electoral law under which the elections of 12 December 1993 were held suffered from many flaws and clearly was not well suited to Russia's political realities. In particular, importing a proportional voting system, which presupposes established parties and stable value orientations among the population, onto Russian soil raises grave doubts. A simple majority system, preferably with two rounds, would be substantially better suited to Russia at the end of the twentieth century, with its political parties resembling voters' clubs and with most of its citizens not yet having perceived themselves as part of any social group or having socialized their own interests. However, a special study, based on a comparison of the voting results for candidates and for party lists in electoral districts, is needed to confirm this hypothesis.     

Pinpointing the Powerful: Covoting Network Centrality as a Measure of Political Influence

This article introduces centrality in covoting networks as a measure of influence. Based on a simple cueing dynamic, it conceptualizes those lawmakers as most central—and thus as having the greatest signaling influence—who impact the greatest number of colleagues' voting decisions. A formal proof and an agent‐based simulation show that cue‐providers are always more central than followers; hence, we can use real‐world voting data to identify the most influential legislators. To confirm the measure's construct validity, we predict covoting centrality in the European Parliament and find those factors that are expected to impact legislators' influence to predict their centrality.     

The Strategic Timing behind Position-taking in the US Congress: A Study of the Comprehensive Immigration Reform Act

Roll call voting by members of the US Congress has been frequently studied. In contrast, the various decisions leading up to roll call voting are relatively unexplored. This article analyses one of those decisions: when senators announce their final passage vote intention. The authors use the same set of variables to analyse both the timing of the announcement and the final passage vote. They find that different independent variables predict these two different decisions, though the constituency and the senator's institutional setting matter in both. Furthermore, this study corroborates an assumption in the rational choice literature that those members with the most information are the first movers.     

Yea or Nay: Do Legislators Benefit by Voting Against Their Party?

This article asks whether legislators are able to reap electoral benefits from opposing their party on one or more high‐profile issues. Using data from a national survey in which citizens are asked their own positions on seven high‐profile issues voted on by the U.S. Senate, as well as how they believe their state's two senators have voted on these issues, I find that senators generally do not benefit from voting against their party. Specifically, when a senator deviates from her party, the vast majority of out‐partisans nonetheless persist in believing that the senator voted with her party anyhow; and while the small minority of out‐partisans who are aware of her deviation are indeed more likely to approve of and vote for such a senator, there are simply too few of these correctly informed citizens for it to make a meaningful difference for the senator's overall support.     

Party Unity in the Swiss Parliament: The Electoral Connection

This study investigates the connection between legislative and electoral politics in Switzerland. The authors postulate that party unity is higher in an election year, and more specifically in votes on issues that are important for the party platform and that are of greater visibility to voters. The authors analyse the entire voting record of the Swiss parliament (lower house) on legislative acts between 1996 and 2007, which consists of roll call votes as well as unpublished votes. The authors find a strong effect of elections on voting unity among certain parties, and also find encouraging support for the hypotheses that this effect is mediated by the visibility of the vote and related issue salience.     

Women's Substantive Representation: Defending Feminist Interests or Women's Electoral Preferences?

To what extent does the inclusion of marginalised groups in policymaking institutions influence policy outcomes? This article examines whether and under which conditions female legislators are more likely to represent women's interests compared with male legislators. Building on the literature on women's substantive representation, it is argued that the advocacy of women's interests by female representatives depends on a number of factors, namely party affiliation, contact with women's organisations, electoral district, and seniority. This argument is evaluated using vote-level fixed-effect models based on a unique data set from a direct democratic context that combines representatives' voting behaviour, women's voting preferences, and recommendations from feminist groups. The findings show that female legislators defend feminist interests more than their male colleagues but that they only marginally respond to women's electoral preferences. Moreover, gender has its most visible effect within the populist party.     

Distinguishing Between Influences on Brazilian Legislative Behavior

Ideal point estimators hold the promise of identifying multiple dimensions of political disagreement as they are manifested in legislative voting. However, standard ideal point estimates do not distinguish between ideological motivations and voting inducements from parties, coalitions, or the executive. In this article we describe a general approach for hierarchically identifying an ideological dimension using an auxiliary source of data. In the case we consider, we use an anonymous survey of Brazilian legislators to identify party positions on a left‐right ideology dimension. We then use this data to distinguish ideological motivations from other determinants of roll‐call behavior for eight presidential‐legislative periods covering more than 20 years of Brazilian politics. We find that there exists an important nonideological government‐opposition dimension, with the entrance and exit of political parties from the governing coalition appearing as distinct shifts in ideal point on this second dimension. We conjecture that the Brazilian president's control over politically important resources is the source of this dimension of conflict, which has recently become far more important in explaining roll‐call voting than the ideological dimension.     

Congressional Performance,Incumbent Behavior,and Voting in Senate Elections

Conventional wisdom suggests that individual members of Congress have no real incentive to act in ways that might improve public evaluations of their collective body. In particular, the literature provides no clear evidence that public evaluations of Congress affect individual races for Congress, and little reason to expect that voters would hold specific individuals responsible for the institution's performance. We suggest that this conventional wisdom is incorrect. Using multiple state‐level exit polls of Senate voting conducted by Voter News Service in 1996 and 1998, we arrive at two key findings. First, we find that evaluations of Congress do have a significant effect on voting within individual U.S. Senate races across a wide variety of electoral contexts. Second, we find that punishments or rewards for congressional performance are not distributed equally across all members, or even across members of a particular party. Instead, we find that the degree to which citizens hold a senator accountable for congressional performance is significantly influenced by that senator's actual level of support for the majority party in Congress, as demonstrated on party votes.     

The Functions of a Contemporary State: Challenges for Russia

The authors describe four idealized alternative scenarios for Russia in 2020—Kremlin Gambit, Fortress Russia, Russian Mosaic and New Dream— and analyze the views of focus-group participants concerning their probability and desirability. They find that these views are influenced only marginally by electoral preferences.     

累积投票制的引入与实践——以上市公司为例的经验性观察

在学界和社会各界的呼吁下,2005年公司法修订时引入了任意性累积投票制。累积投票制作为公司董事、监事的选举制度,目的是为了保护少数股东的权利。虽然立法上采取了任意性累积投票制,但实践中绝大多数样本上市公司实施了累积投票制,这与监管机构和证券交易所对累积投票制倾向于采取强制主义的态度是分不开的。实证数据显示,一方面在目前的股权结构下累积投票制的实施有很强的现实意义,另一方面累积投票制在上市公司中未能得以有效实施。存在诸多有待解决的影响累积投票制有效实施的问题,包括等额选举、股东大会会议出席率低以及表决权的不当行使等实践层面的问题,也包括提名资格限制、当选原则、选举方法以及独立董事、非独立董事和监事分别选举等制度层面的问题。从数学的角度分析,累积投票制在我国上市公司中存在实施的空间和价值。     

Friendship,Courting, and Engagement: Pre-electoral Coalition Dynamics in Action

The literature on pre-electoral coalitions (PECs) still relies heavily on comparative statics to gauge whether a PEC is likely to form and/or its effects on government formation. However, less is known about the behavioural dynamics of PECs. The dynamics of the recent 2009 PEC between the Socialist People's Party and the Social Democrats in Denmark are assessed. Elaborating on the signalling hypothesis, it is argued that coalition members over time must show their ability to vote together in parliament in order to establish a credible commitment. Empirical support is found for this take on the signalling thesis. It was also found that the distance between the parties narrows before the formulation of the PEC, and distinct phases in the process are pointed to, which the authors coin ‘friendship’, ‘courting’, and ‘engagement’. Finally, alternative explanations are assessed and the question of which party of the PEC would have to change voting patterns in the inter-party coordination process in order to become 'office-fit' is addressed. It is concluded that PECs have a systematic effect on the members' parliamentary voting behaviour and that they serve as a preparatory signalling device for opposition parties with office ambitions.     

Out in the Open: The Emergence of Viva Voce Voting in House Speakership Elections

We examine the internal politics that preceded the House adoption in 1839 of viva voce (voice) voting for Speaker and other House officers. First, we find that the struggles over the rule's adoption actually centered on the election of the House Printer. These struggles were tied to attempts by the two major parties to establish effective newspaper networks to assist in national political campaigns. Democrats generally favored public election of House officers, whereas Whigs generally opposed. In the short term, the change to public voting for Speaker and other House officers had the expected effect of instilling greater partisan regularity among House members. As sectional divisions grew in the nation at large, however, the public election of the Speaker made it increasingly difficult for House leaders to forge the transregional coalitions necessary to organize the House.     

Content and Viewpoint Discrimination: Malleable Terms Beget Malleable Doctrine

Recent scholarship has demonstrated that the Supreme Court of the United States has defined poorly and inconsistently applied two core First Amendment concepts-content and viewpoint discrimination. This article systematically explores the malleability of the Court's speech discrimination principles. Using data from The Supreme Court Compendium that categorize the ideological voting behavior of justices on the Court, the article studies decisions in three socially divisive areas of law in which content and viewpoint discrimination have been central issues of significant cases. Analysis shows that the Court's weak definitions and inconsistent applications leave the content and viewpoint concepts especially ripe for manipulation. The article concludes, therefore, by suggesting a new method of analysis that would offer more consistency.     

Political Sociology of the Transitional Society

Under the general heading "Political Sociology of the Transitional Society" we are continuing to publish the investigations of the moods and views of Russians carried out by the independent Public Opinion Foundation.* This fifth issue of our journal acquaints the reader with an attempt, undertaken for the first time in Russian sociology, to compare the socioeconomic and political attitudes of inhabitants in the different regions of Russia, and also with materials offered exclusively to Polis by the Public Opinion Foundation containing extensive comments by Professor I. M. Kliamkin, Doctor of Philosophy and head of the Foundation's Analysis Center. These findings are from a survey conducted by the Public Opinion Foundation in early September 1993, that is, literally on the eve of the denouement of the political standoff between the executive and legislative structures. This information, which sheds light on people's state of mind in Russia, should give investigators liberal food for further reflection.     

Gender Turnover and Roll‐Call Voting in the U.S. House of Representatives

A number of studies suggest that the gender of a legislator affects his or her congressional ideology. We argue that these studies may have produced misleading results because of insufficient controls for constituency influences. To better account for constituency effects, we use a longitudinal research design based on electoral turnover, which holds constituency constant while allowing gender and party to vary. We apply ordinary least squares regression to data from the 103d, 104th, and 105th Houses of Representatives and estimate the effect of gender turnover on changes in DW‐NOMINATE roll‐call voting scores. We find that, when we sufficiently control for both party and constituency influences, gender is not a determinant of the liberalness of a representative's roll‐call voting behavior.     

The Internet as a New Factor in State and Public Development

On 14 March, when the State Duma introduced a bill that would have instituted a moratorium on executions, it almost had to dissolve itself—not completely, of course, for a quorum was maintained, but almost. Before the bill was put up for discussion, the LDPR [Liberal Democratic Party of Russia] faction (50 people) left (on private business), and during the final vote 193 deputies abstained; whether they went for a walk or simply stayed in their seats but did not press the button is unknown, but they refused to deal with one of the questions that is most important for Russia's future (there were 176 votes "against" and 75 "for" the bill).     

Attainability of International Environmental Agreements as a Social Situation

This paper applies the theory of social situations to study whether international environmental agreements (IEAs), mainly those on greenhouse gas emission reductions, can be attained. A game theoretic model is generally a black box for decision makers, where the mechanisms, which lead to solution(s) of the game, are not explicitly pointed out. This paper opens this black box by making the (institutional) move rules explicit. The usual pessimistic outcome with an ineffective and small size of stable coalitions among world regions is countered. Our model challenges conventional wisdom in the sense that large coalitions are possible outcomes of the cartel game, namely by incorporating: (1) farsightedness, and (2) coalitional moves with commitment as an alternative to myopic and individual moves which characterise the cartel game. We show that even if the international negotiations on climate change mitigation are modelled as an n-person prisoner's dilemma, one cannot rule out cooperation among world regions as a solution of the game. Indeed, in most analysed situations the grand coalition is among the solutions of the game. This shows that predictions based on cartel stability may be too pessimistic if it comes to analysing incentives to cooperate in implementing international environmental policy. Moreover, in an empirically calibrated model, we find three out of six instances where Russia (with or without the US) has an incentive to sign the Kyoto protocol.     

Resisting Multiple Narratives of Law in Transition Countries: Russia and Beyond

Burbank, Jane . 2004 . Russian Peasants Go to Court: Legal Culture in the Countryside, 1905–1917 . Bloomington, IN : Indiana University Press. Pp. xix + 374. $49.95 cloth. Feifer, George . 1964 . Justice in Moscow . New York : Simon and Schuster. Pp. 336 . $20.95 paper. Kaminskaya, Dina . 1982 . Final Judgment: My Life as a Soviet Defense Attorney . Trans. Michael Glenny. New York : Simon and Schuster. Pp. 364 . Out of print. Ledeneva, Alena V . 2013 . Can Russia Modernise? Sistema, Power Networks and Informal Governance . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Pp. xv + 332. $90.00 cloth; $32.99 paper. McDonald, Tracy . 2011 . Face to the Village: The Riazan Countryside under Soviet Rule, 1921–1930 . Toronto : University of Toronto Press. Pp. xvii + 422. $75.00 cloth. Politkovskaya, Anna . 2004 . Putin's Russia: Life in a Failing Democracy . Trans. Arch Tait. London : Harvill Press. Pp. 304 . $17.00 paper. Popova, Maria . 2012 . Politicized Justice in Emerging Democracies: A Study of Courts in Russia and Ukraine . Cambridge : Cambridge University Press. Pp. xii + 197. $103.00 cloth; $29.99 paper. Romanova, Ol'ga . 2010 . Butyrka . Moscow : Izdatel'stvo Astrel'. Pp. 316 . 240 rubles. The literature on the role of law in countries with so‐called hybrid regimes that are stuck somewhere between democracy and authoritarianism tends to dwell on the politicization of law and the courts. This has the effect of discounting the importance of the vast majority of cases that are decided in accord with the law. Taking Russia as a case study, this essay reviews a cross‐section of the literature on its courts in order to document this tendency and explore why alternative narratives of law have failed to gain traction: Burbank's Russian Peasants Go to Court ( 2004 ); Feifer's Justice in Moscow ( 1964 ); Kaminskaya's Final Judgment ( 1982 ); Ledeneva's Can Russia Modernise? ( 2013 ); McDonald's Face to the Village ( 2011 ); Politkovskaya's Putin's Russia ( 2004 ); Popova's Politicized Justice in Emerging Democracies ( 2012 ); and Romanova's Butyrka ( 2010 ).