从一国社会主义到中国改革开放

马克思主义创始人考察了人类社会发展的历史,论证了资本主义发达的高度将是社会主义的基础,因而设想,社会主义将会在英、法、德、美等先进资本主义国家最先建立。历史的发展和革命运动的实际却是尚未完成民主主义革命任务、相对落后的俄国,率先建立了社会主义国家。这样,第一次世界大战催生的俄国社会发展顺序的颠倒,就把世界社会主义运动聚焦到怎样建设社会主义国家。斯大林体制的一国社会主义,是特定时代条件下,斯大林将马克思主义应用于俄国实际所建立的社会主义。斯大林宣布苏联已建成完全的社会主义社会,其实只是完成了民主主义革命遗留的历史任务。完成这一历史任务成为斯大林体制的历史负荷。第二次世界大战后建立的社会主义国家,基本上也是民主主义革命任务尚未完成的相对落后的国家。历史的共性是斯大林体制被当作社会主义共同模式的时代条件。世界各社会主义国家共有的、越"左"越革命的幼稚病,是小生产占优势国家背负的、改革斯大林体制的沉重历史包袱。中国改革开放,建设中国特色社会主义,终于为相对落后国家在完成民主主义革命遗留历史任务之后,搞清楚什么是社会主义,从而开创了建设社会主义国家的新时代。     

What was different about the German Democratic Republic?

For the last few years, I have been planning to write a book called Unwrapped Past and Empty Present: GDR Culture in Retrospect . The post-unification process has not been easy, and the other day I even came across a statement in the press that "other postcommunist countries did not seem to have faced the same difficulties as the former GDR". Although this is a highly questionable comment, ignoring the plight of large sections of the population under "successful" postcommunist governments and the far higher living standards of the GDR population, despite de-industrialisation and massive unemployment, it contains a grain of truth. The more I read about and discuss the East German situation before and after 1989, the more I become convinced that there were vital differences, not only in Soviet policy towards the GDR and other Warsaw Pact states, but perhaps more importantly, in the attitudes of the East German party, the intellectuals and the population at large to the idea of "nation", to the Soviet Union and even to "socialism as it existed in reality". After a stint in Potsdam cramming post-1989 memoirs, I should like to address these issues in a first try at a possible introduction to my planned book.     

‘How can I be post-Soviet if I was never Soviet?’ Rethinking categories of time and social change – a perspective from Kulob,southern Tajikistan

Based on anthropological fieldwork conducted in the Kulob region of southern Tajikistan, this paper examines the extent to which the existing periodization ‘Soviet/post-Soviet’ is still valid to frame scholarly works concerning Central Asia. It does so through an analysis of ‘alternative temporalities’ conveyed by Kulob residents to the author. These alternative temporalities are fashioned in especially clear ways in a relationship to the physical transformations occurring to two types of housing, namely flats in building blocks and detached houses. Without arguing that the categories ‘Soviet’ and ‘post-Soviet’ have become futile, the author advocates that the uncritically use of Soviet/post-Soviet has the unwanted effect of shaping the Central Asian region as a temporalized and specialized ‘other’.     

无处不在的身影——东正教介入俄罗斯社会政治生活试析

东正教在俄国远不只是一种宗教,而是俄罗斯文化传承的重要载体,在后苏联成为俄联邦重构的重要社会资源、政治力量和精神动力,被视为是标示俄罗斯民族精神的最重要标志。在后苏联到来过程和重建过程中,东正教扮演了极其重要的角色,而且这种角色源于俄国的历史进程。其实,无论是就基督教神学理论还是就俄国史而言,缺少了对东正教因素的考虑,就无法描述俄国社会进程。近20年来,俄国社会进程和东正教紧密相关,因此,当代俄国人能基于东正教信仰,去批判性地面对后苏联社会变革所带来的各种重大问题。除此之外,东正教还积极介入俄罗斯的对外事务,成为影响俄对外关系的一个不可忽视的重要因素。     

Experiencing liminality: housing,renting and informal tenants in Astana

ABSTRACT

This article is intended to contribute broadly to research in post-socialist urban studies. Based on ethnographic fieldwork and interviews with ‘newcomers’ to the capital, Astana, from different parts of Kazakhstan, I examine the renting practices of newcomers. I analyse the experiences of newcomers in their new urban milieu of Astana, and try to answer the question of what it means to live in the city for various groups of individuals on a daily basis. I examine the Soviet and post-Soviet housing and the continuities of the Soviet legacy when it comes to the institution of propiska (city registration). I show that living in shared flats is a coping strategy to deal with expensive rents and meant to be a transitory step towards homeownership. For this reason many accept high rents and crowded housing as ‘normal’. Furthermore, I argue that informal renting practices are acceptable mostly for young and single people, who are free to experiment with city life, and are on their way to establishing careers and personal lives. However, elderly newcomers and young families with children who do not wish to live in shared flats, but have to rent, feel ‘homeless’ and trapped in ‘liminal housing’. For them, renting is undesirable, and they feel a sense of incarceration if they fail to secure housing.     

1958年苏联从罗马尼亚撤军始末

1944年苏军进入罗马尼亚后,对其战后初期的政治、经济和社会都产生了很大的负面影响。1955年罗马尼亚首次要求苏联撤军,结果遭到赫鲁晓夫的强硬拒绝。经过不懈努力,1958年苏联终于同意罗方要求。苏联之所以同意撤军,主要是出于和平攻势的需要,也考虑到罗马尼亚处在一个不容易受西方国家攻击的地理位置,同时也是对罗马尼亚忠诚的"奖赏"。苏军的撤出为罗马尼亚以后独立自主政策的实施大开了方便之门。     

Soviet Assessments of Economic Reforms in Other Socialist Countries

A prominent American economist pieces together and analyzes Soviet assessments of economic reforms in other socialist countries. Included in the author's analysis are studies of Soviet specialists investigating changes in the administrative organization of the state sector, planning, pricing, banking, labor, agriculture, nonstate activity, and foreign economic relations, within the framework of a socialist planned economy. Also covered are more recent Soviet studies focusing on privatization, marketization, and government regulation in the transition to a capitalist market economy—work that influenced decisions about economic reforms in the Soviet Union. Journal of Economic Literature, Classification Numbers: P21, B20.     

试析爪哇伊斯兰教的和谐价值观

印尼是世界上穆斯林最多的国家,但是大部分印尼人尤其是爪哇人信奉的伊斯兰教有别于其他国家或地区,即带有浓厚爪哇特色的伊斯兰教,是伊斯兰教与爪哇原始文化以及印度文化相结合而成的爪哇伊斯兰教。爪哇伊斯兰教强调的是实现内心或精神和谐以及社会和谐的价值观,但现实的印尼社会却与“和谐”相距甚远,所以爪哇伊斯兰教所崇尚和追求的只能说是理想中的和谐。     

Religious change in Estonia and the Baltic states during the Soviet period in comparative perspective

Abstract

The article presents a comparative-historical treatment of the change in the religious life of Estonia from 1940 to 1991, when Estonia was part of the Soviet Union. The article is based largely on documents of the archive of the Estonian commissioner of the Council for the Affairs of Religious Cults of the Soviet Union, documents which were not available to researchers before the collapse of the USSR. Religious change in Estonia has been compared to what happened in the neighbouring Baltic countries. The archival data shows an extraordinary decline of institutionalised religion in Estonia during the Soviet period (especially in the Lutheran and Orthodox Churches). Compared to the other republics of the Soviet Union (especially Catholic Lithuania), this fall was particularly drastic in “Lutheran” Estonia and Latvia. Also, some comparisons are made between Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, and the rest of Europe, in order to test the author's hypothesis that by the end of the Soviet occupation, Estonian society was among the most highly secularised ones in Europe (or possibly the most secularised).     

Soviet-South Korea economic cooperation following rapprochement

The establishment of diplomatic ties between the Soviet Union and the Republic of Korea appears to be not only a cornerstone for peace-keeping in the Korean peninsula but also a catalyst toward improving economic cooperation between the two countries. Unlike other advanced countries, Korea has been actively investing in the Soviet Union since Soviet-Korean rapprochement. But events have overtaken the pace of reform in the Soviet Union. Multiple Soviet problems such as the restructuring of the Union and Republic governments, reorganization of the New Economic Community, and severe discord within the political leadership regarding the approach to reform are entangled with power struggles between the center and the republics. The outcomes of democratization and marketization in the Soviet Union are not certain. Korea is deeply concerned about the success or failure of the Soviet economy because this will influence the extent to which the Korean economy will benefit or suffer.     

戈尔巴乔夫现象的历史诠释——再析苏联解体的深层次原因

苏联解体之后,学界围绕苏联解体、戈尔巴乔夫功过的争论一直存在.一般认为,戈尔巴乔夫的新思维以及公开性、民主化、构建人道的民主的社会主义等理论观点的提出,扰乱了苏联原有的主流意识形态,瓦解了共产党队伍,在此理论指导下提出的急于求成的改革,造成了苏联的最终解体.但事实远没有这样简单,戈尔巴乔夫现象的出现有着深刻的历史渊源和肥沃的生长土壤.本文试图从历史角度来诠释这一现象,揭示苏联解体的深层次原因.     

Developers and Speculators: Housing,Ethnic Chinese Business and the Asian Financial Crisis in Malaysia

Housing has played a central role in both the Asian and global financial crises, a decade apart. While there are major differences with respect to these roles, there are also similarities, the most obvious being the links with the banking system. The impact of these crises on the housing sector has been extensively researched, but findings have been overwhelmingly based on aggregate or sector data. Using firm-level data from Malaysia on the Asian financial crisis, this article argues that such findings can yield a distorted picture of what actually occurred in real estate markets where contextual factors played a major role. A study of ethnic Chinese businesses, which dominated the Malaysian housing sector, show that the severe impact was primarily on businesses that were over-leveraged and/or that speculated on housing in the expectation of reaping quick returns. They were small compared to the large property businesses that, though affected, survived. Non-residential real estate continued unaffected, fuelled by manufacturing to meet healthy export demand. This, and a political/economic environment accentuated by affirmative action which drove ethnic Chinese businesses toward real estate development, speaks powerfully to the importance of context in understanding specific housing markets during crises.     

俄罗斯问题的中国表述——关于20世纪中国对苏俄认知的研究

现在是重新认识20世纪中国如何表述俄罗斯问题的时候了.20世纪很长一段时间,俄国之于中国是一个挥之不去的迷思,这个迷思全方位地存在于中国社会,影响力至今不绝.我们需要澄清造成这种状况的自身原因.其中,一些著名知识分子因为时代原因,在无法直接触碰苏俄、不了解苏俄的情形下,却满怀热情地去认同或拒绝经由苏维埃所确认的那个俄国,不经学术研究和学理性判断,把原本是在国际反资本主义浪潮下获得成功的苏俄革命这一地域性现象,泛化为一种普世性的规律.1950年代以后,知识界依据苏联社会主义理论,把"解冻"以降的苏联变革理解为背离社会主义,把苏联解体看成是国际共运的失败.相应的,知识界这种缺乏现代民族国家考量的意见,又成为党政和社会理解苏俄问题的理论根据,在中国社会广泛流行.这种情况几乎持续到20世纪末.反思这些历史性表述,对中国在21世纪提升认识俄罗斯问题的水平、建构恰当的中俄关系,既有历史的警示作用,又有理论价值.     

Macro-determinants of the Lithuanian housing market: a test for Granger causality

This research examines the macro-determinants of the Lithuanian housing market. The study employs the Granger causality test to assess the interdependence of a number of macro-variables and the national housing price index. Regardless of the limitations involved with this methodology, the empirical findings suggest that the Lithuanian housing market relates to growth in building activity, interest rates, inflation, and employment. Considering all of these results, the research highlights useful policy implications for property market participants. Investors and developers can employ this information to guide their investment decisions. Likewise, the government and central bank could use this updated knowledge to drive a successful macroeconomic program.     

Muslim identity and Islamic practice in post-Soviet Central Asia

After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the newly independent countries of Central Asia had the opportunity to endorse religious freedom. Nevertheless, they chose for the most part to continue the policy of monitoring religious activity, on the pretext of protecting their countries from radical Islam. This study focuses on Islamic praxis in post-Soviet Central Asia. Based on a survey conducted in four Central Asian successor states (excluding Turkmenistan), it examines everyday Islam – observance of precepts, life-cycle rites, prayer and mosque attendance – as well as people's perceptions about the role of Islam in their lives and in the evolution of their societies and the place of Islam in local identity. The authors' findings have not always corresponded to usually accepted hypotheses and they have sought to analyse the reasons for this. Undoubtedly, the exigencies of the current political situation both act as a restraint on respondents in addressing the questions put to them and restrict their religious praxis outside the home. It is difficult to assess how far responses would have differed had the survey been conducted under more favourable circumstances; indeed, some of the questions may have been genuinely misinterpreted as a result of differences in outlook and the use of concepts.     

Czechoslovakia and its Position within the Solidarity Network of Chilean Communism: A Reflection on the Coup and Resistance against Pinochet from a Country with Worn-out Revolutionary Ideals

The article will analyse the development of the Chilean cause in the politics of Eastern Europe countries since 1973, focusing on the Czechoslovak case. On the one hand, it will prove that during the communist government Czechoslovakia played an important role in the international campaign for the resistance against the dictatorship at a worldwide level. On the other hand, it posits that the propaganda aimed at Czechoslovakia, which sought to kindle society's belief in the revolutionary ideals strongly affected after the Soviet invasion in 1968, turned out to be much less effective.     

The Japan-Soviet far east trade relationship: A case of the cautious buyer and the overconfident seller

Given Japan’s resource scarcity, the eastern Soviet Union’s wealth of natural resources and dire need for large infusions of investment capital and technology, and the close distance between the two, one would believe that trade between the two countries would be quite sizable. However, the converse is the case, with each country providing no more than 2 percent of the other’s foreign trade. To explain this phenomenon, it is necessary to explore the intrinsic and self-imposed obstacles to expanded Japanese-USSR trade. It turns out that both countries do not pursue trade for mutual advantage but rather seek an entirely different set of ulterior zero-sum motives. The article discusses what would appear to be a natural “fit” between the two countries’ needs and abilities, explores the extensive joint Siberian development projects of the 1960s and 1970s to explain the undesired side effects of Japanese-Soviet trade, details Japanese and Soviet business, government, and economist arguments for and against expanded economic relations, explains the maldevelopment of a resource-extractive versus commodity-producing eastern USSR as a product of climate, labor shortages, investment policies, and a Stalinist-planned system, outlines Japanese desires to accrue political advantages from its trade with the Soviet Union, and predicts the inability of Gorbachev’s economic reforms to truly expand Japanese-Soviet trade at a low cost to its larger geopolitical concerns. Although continuing private Japanese efforts are being made to work out joint venture deals with the USSR (thus belying the notion of a completely consensus-unified “Japan, Inc.”), they are still anomalies. Ultimately, if expanded trade ties are to occur (and indeed it is this article’s contention that they must for the USSR to survive as a superpower), then they must be made on Japan’s terms.     

Russian Terror/ism and Revisionist Historiography

Interest in the violence of the Soviet regime has been a concern primarily of more conservative historians, while those on the Left have either been discomforted by the excessive brutality of the Russian Civil War and Stalinism or have looked for rationalizations for the necessity of violence. One tendency in the historiography has been to see violence as deeply embedded in the Bolshevik project, part of the Marxist or Leninist effort to transform the world or perfect the human being. Revolutionary and Stalinist violence are seen as similar or intimately linked, and differences between them have been largely effaced. This essay argues that the violence and terror of the Civil War years is best understood as part of wartime exigencies as well as choices made by the Bolsheviks and their enemies, while Stalinist violence was much more the product of the will of Stalin and his closest collaborators in their consolidation of autocratic power, and was far more gratuitous and irrational than the violence of the fledgling Soviet regime.     

The West German 68‐ers encounter the events of 1989

Why did the German left react negatively to the events in eastern Europe and the Soviet Union in 1989/90? There are several reasons to be given: the problem the left has in dealing with nationalism, the acceptance on the part of the West German left of the GDR as a legitimate German state; the ambivalent attitude it has towards the United States, and its deeply entrenched ‘state‐fixation’. At the present time, the German left is engaged in soul‐searching discussions which show different lines of development, but its most urgent task is to desist trying to salvage anything of value from the ‘socialism’ practised by the GDR and eastern Europe.     

哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦独立以来的转型战略:悖论和前景

自苏联解体以后,中亚地区成了国际社会瞩目的焦点.作为曾经的苏联国家的一部分,目前该地区充满矛盾.地区内的两个大国--哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦选择了不同的发展战略,导致了有趣而充满分歧的结果.取得独立后,哈萨克斯坦选择开放它的经济,而乌兹别克斯坦政府则专注于政治稳定和完全协调发展的经济.1990年代早期,乌兹别克斯坦的策略看上去更合理且更少痛苦,而哈萨克斯坦在那时遭受了严重的经济衰退.然而,到了世纪之交,哈萨克斯坦的经济表现远远超过了它的邻国.本文的目的是分析和比较哈萨克斯坦和乌兹别克斯坦独立早期所选择的两种不同的转型战略,以及评价未来几年里这两种战略的前景和它们所隐含的意义.