浅析肯尼迪政府时期美法在支付领域的矛盾

肯尼迪政府时期,随着西欧经济的恢复,美欧联盟在政治、经济、军事等领域的分歧开始凸显,美法因支付不平衡而起的矛盾即为其中之一。布雷顿森林体系是美法支付矛盾产生的历史根源;以美元危机和美国黄金外流为中心,两国在联盟方针和冷战战略上展开激烈较量;美国政府内就如何解决美法支付矛盾曾有过激烈辩论,肯尼迪政府最后以从欧洲撤军相要挟,迫使戴高乐在弥补美国赤字安排上让步,美法在支付领域的矛盾暂时得以缓解。     

The FARC's Best Friend: U.S. Antidrug Policies and the Deepening of Colombia's Civil War in the 1990s

The strengthening of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) during the 1990s was an unintended consequence of a series of tactical successes in U.S. antidrug policies. These included dismantling the Medellín and Cali drug cartels, interdicting coca coming into Colombian processing facilities, and using drug certification requirements to pressure the Colombian government to attack drug cartels and allow aerial fumigation of coca crops. These successes, however, merely pushed coca cultivation increasingly to FARC-dominated areas while weakening many of the FARC's political-military opponents. This provided the FARC with unprecedented opportunities to extract resources from the cocaine industry to deepen its long insurgency against the Colombian state. The Colombian experience demonstrates the importance of creating a more sophisticated understanding of how lootable wealth can exacerbate civil wars.     

Gender, Civil War and National Identity: Women Partisans during the Greek Civil War 1946–1949

This paper focuses on the recovery of the experience of partisan women who fought in the lines of the communist-led Greek Democratic Army (GDA) during the Greek Civil War (1946–1949). It is an extract from a research project which examines the extent to which the symbolism of Greek women in arms has informed the various waves of feminist discourse which have emerged since the founding of the modern Greek nation state. More specifically this work employs the image of the Greek woman warrior as an analytical category to investigate the relationship between militarism, nationalism and Greek feminist politics in relation to key nation-building conflicts of the modern Greek period. As such it belongs to the realm of scholarship informed by an understanding of 'gender' and 'nation' as constructed and contested relational systems of cultural and social meanings. Together the two systems not only shape the political culture in historically specific ways but also legitimate and limit the access of (groups of) people — women as well as men — to national movements as well as to the resources of the nation-state. This paper concentrates specifically on the heavily mythologised women of the GDA. It pays special attention to the historical association of their rebellion with national citizenship rights in post-war Greece.     

The U. N. Disposal of Eritrea

This forms the greater part of a lecture given on the 29th January,with Major-General Sir Richard Lewis in the Chair. In introducingthe speaker General Lewis said that Sir Duncan Cumming had beenone of the first to enter Eritrea when it was captured duringthe war and had been the last to leave in 1952. During, andafter, the war, Sir Duncan had been responsible for the civiladministration of all of the occupied Italian Colonies in theMiddle East, of which Eritrea was one. In 1949, he returnedto his own service in the Sudan and in February, 1951, whenhis predecessor retired from Eritrea owing to ill health, heconsented to undertake the difficult task of implementing theUnited Nations resolution on Eritrea. In eighteen months hehad to hold democratic general elections, in an area where suchthings were not well understood, to create a Government in accordancewith the provisions of the constitution and the resolution,to create a civil service, which entailed as a starting pointthe elementary education of selected literates, and to leavethe country with a balanced budget. Sir Duncan had not had aclean start at the job because at the time of his arrival inEritrea it was not possible to move about freely. The localbrigands had made unescorted movement unsafe: incidents occurreddaily and murders and atrocities were frequent. By the latesummer of 1951 he had made brigandage unprofitable and was ableto turn to his constructive task. In doing so, he won the confidenceand respect and, indeed, the affection, not of merely some ofthe conflicting interests but of them all.     

冷战后美国维和政策的演变及特征

冷战结束以来,美国的维和政策经历了三次大的演变:从有效的国际主义到坚定的多边主义,从有选择的多边主义到美国式的国际主义,最后回归到有效的多边主义。虽然变动不居,但从本质上讲,美国的维和政策基本上遵循着一条主线,即美国对联合国维和行动的支持和参与程度,取决于美国政府对维和行动与美国国家利益的关系的认知,以及国内压力(国会、民众)与这一认知间的复杂互动。     

The Strained Alliance: Peking,Pyongyang, Moscow and thePolitics of the Korean Civil War

Abstract

The burden of many conventional interpretations of the Korean War is that the conflict represented a test of strength between the Soviet and American Cold War antagonists which helped establish the ground rules for limited war in the nuclear age. The great virtue of Simmons' book is that it confronts us with the obvious but hitherto elusive truth that the Korean Civil War (as it is correctly called here) originated in Korean political issues. Simmons paints Korean features onto the Soviet-American Cold War mask. His book's second significant contribution is in its probing beneath the surface unity of the communist camp in the early 1950s to suggest that serious conflicts of interest arose between Moscow, Peking and Pyongyang in the course of the war.     

阿罗约时期菲美安全合作及其影响

在2001年"9·11事件"之后,美国将菲律宾视为一个坚定的盟友,再次发现了菲律宾在反恐战争中的战略价值,菲美以反恐为契机开展了密切的安全合作。2004年7月菲律宾因人质事件提前从伊拉克战场撤军之后,菲美安全合作遭受重创,但随后又有所恢复。这一时期菲律宾在中美之间奉行"大国平衡"外交,重视与中国的关系,并发展与中国的安全和防务合作,但是中菲之间的外交与安全合作关系未能动摇美国在菲律宾安全合作中的地位。与菲律宾的反恐合作只是菲美安全合作的一个方面,美国更重视发挥菲律宾在其全球军力部署中前沿阵地和安全合作站点的作用,美国的这一意图也反映在2014年菲美《加强防御合作框架协定》之中。     

劳工组织、国内政治与冷战后美国对外贸易政策

冷战结束后,国内因素对美国外交的影响力日渐加强,经济贸易问题在对外政策中的地位显著上升.在北美自由贸易协定、贸易快速处理权、对华永久正常贸易关系等问题上,美国国内各种势力竞相发挥作用,试图通过国内政治影响对外贸易政策.其中,劳工组织的表现尤其活跃.劳工组织通过游说、政治捐款和选举投票等手段向国会议员尤其是民主党议员施加压力,要求其反对贸易自由化政策,从而在很大程度上参与了对外经贸政策的塑造.劳工组织反对贸易自由化的斗争,反映出美国劳工运动的复兴.但内部的分歧、外部的工商界打压等又限制着其在对外贸易政策上的影响.     

参议院外交委员会与肯尼迪时期的美国对华政策

本文以参议院外交委员会为着眼点,讨论该委员会以及参议院在肯尼迪时期对华政策制订过程中扮演的角色。本文认为,尽管肯尼迪上台后有对既定对华政策进行修正的意向,并得到参议院外交委员会大多数人的支持,但就整体而言,参议院对中国仍怀有很深的敌意。如果肯尼迪在那时提出与中国和解,要冒的政治风险太大。作者对“若肯尼迪不遇刺并实现连任,美国对华政策在其任期内可能会发生重大修正”的假说提出了质疑。     

Sultanism and Civil War in Libya

The 2011 Libyan uprising transformed into a civil war in a matter of days—and it has lasted more than a decade. What made this uprising different from others? This article argues that the type of system determined the outcome of the revolt. It posits a relationship between Muammar Qadhafi's sultanistic regime and the fragile political institutions that have allowed the chaos and rivalry to persist without resolution. To demonstrate this, Libyan citizens were surveyed about their perceptions of how Qadhafi shaped the political order responsible for today's institutional vacuum. While the revolution revealed the Qadhafi regime's lack of popular and foreign support, as well as the inadequacies of state institutions, it could not use institutional channels to mobilize the public and organize authority, as in Tunisia and Egypt. The civil war, coupled with the interventions of regional and international powers in support of local actors and militias, has made the Libyan case different. The article also explains how the passive stances of the League of Arab States and the United Nations paved the way for external rivalries.     

The legacy of the Korean War: Impact on U.S.-Taiwan relations

If there had not been a Korean War, the Chinese Communists would probably have invaded Taiwan in 1950. After the outbreak of the Korean War, the United States began to reverse its hands-off policy toward the Chinese Nationalists on Taiwan. The Korean War first compelled the United States to grant military aid to Taiwan and then put the island under U.S. protection. The war forestalled the deterioration of the ROC’s international status, but the legal status of Taiwan became undetermined in the eyes of U.S. policymakers. U.S. economic aid prevented Taiwan from sliding into an economic depression in the 1950s, and greatly contributed to the island’s later economic takeoff. He is the author ofThe Taiwan Security Triangle (Taipei: Laureate Publishing Company, 1989).