The Economic Cost of Civil Conflict inTurkey

The article seeks to estimate the economic costs that Turkey has incurred in the low-level warfare with the Kurdish separatists since 1984. These costs can be divided into direct costs, which are those that are immediately attributable to the conflict, and indirect costs which are its by-products such as forgone investment, the loss of human capital, capital flight and migration. It is estimated that, until the end of 2005, the total cost was $88.1 billion of which $54.2 billion was direct and $33.9 billion indirect cost. These are not unsubstantial sums for a developing economy. Just with the resources expended directly, Turkey could have finished its historically most ambitious development project, the Southeastern Anatolia project, or it could have built 6,000km of motorways which could criss-cross the country more than twice.     

Kontingenzprobleme sozialer Interventionen

Welfare state moderated social interventions into private life are faced with high expectations, which are often unrealistic, as this article shows for the case of child endangerment. A multidimensional analysis of this field, in which the diagnosis of institutional malfunction was put forward recently, shows considerable problems of contingency for such interventions. This results from field specific institutional regulations and organizational arrangements as well as peculiarities of the private sphere, at which the interventions are aiming. Due to those problems of contingency, optimal intervention trajectories cannot be taken for granted. The article develops this hypothesis on the basis of a scattered (and only marginally sociologically reasoned) technical literature and preliminary findings of an empirical field research currently undertaken. It highlights the restrictions, tensions and contradictions which render the interventional dynamic as a process remarkably governed by chance.     

Model or deterrence? The United States presidential election campaigns and the bundestag election campaigns

This article focuses on the election of the President of the United States of America in 2004 and on the premature election of the Bundestag in Germany in 2005. The main questions which are discussed are: Where can we currently discern central similarities in campaigning, which remain functionally powerful despite the considerable differences in system and context? What can be learned from the United States 2004 presidential election campaign for future Bundestag election campaigns in Germany? Can we observe developments in the USA which we have already seen in the 2005 Bundestag election? Could these trends be useful for the German parties in the future? This contribution argues that there are some developments in the United States which may prove useful to the German parties in future Bundestag campaigns.     

Is a Federal European Constitution for an Enlarged European Union Necessary? Some Preliminary Suggestions using Public Choice Analysis

In order to guarantee a further successful functioning of the enlarged European Union a Federal European Constitution is proposed. Six basic elements of a future European federal constitution are developed: the European commission should be turned into a European government and the European legislation should consist of a two chamber system with full responsibility over all federal items. Three further key elements are the subsidiarity principle, federalism and the secession right, which are best suited to limiting the domain of the central European authority to which certain tasks are given, such as defense, foreign and environmental policy. Another important feature is direct democracy, which provides the possibility for European voters to participate actively in political decision making, to break political and interest group cartels, and to prevent an unwanted shifting of responsibilities from EU member states to the European federal level.     

Dos modelos frente a la diversidad cultural: igualitarismo formal y ciudadanía diferenciada

Contemporary globalized societies are culturally and religiously plural. Nation states apply different juridical regulation vis-a-vis diversity. Segregation and total assimilation of minority groups are not compatible with international standards of human rights. Among the regulations that are compatible with those standards there are two categories. Firstly, the formal egalitarian approach, related to the liberal-republican tradition, which is based on a formal consideration of equality and disregards identity differences. Secondly, theoretical proposals which promote the recognition of rights based on cultural and religious identities. These proposals, however, require a more flexible consideration of the equality principle.     

Sources

It is not often that one has the chance to acknowledge the variouspublic sources, nearly all written, which are drawn on for thequarterly notes, but the end of the Jubilee Year seems a suitableoccasion to print a list, which is at once a guide, an acknowledgementand a tribute to the agencies of self-consciousness in Africa.Those publications are starred which have been, at one timeor another, for our special purposes, of special use.     

Die Organisation von Wertzuschreibungen: Zur Bedeutung von Drittparteien für die Signalisierung moralischer Qualitäten in Märkten

Moral qualities of food are usually communicated through labels. Such quality signalling serves to increase the value of a given product. However, the signalled qualities are uncertain and presume a significant degree of trust. The article examines how moral qualities are developed procedurally and analyses the advanced landscape of labelling in Swiss retail trade. It is shown that the construction of moral qualities is based on the involvement of various third parties. These include (1) charitable organizations which are responsible for defining the different quality standards, (2) competing profit-oriented certification organizations which attest conformity with their respective standards, as well as (3) public authorities which accredit the certification organizations and thereby provide them with legitimacy. The article shows that the interplay of third parties conceals the uncertainty of valorized products and reveals that values based on moral quality standards are developed in the valuation processes upstream of the actual market transaction.     

“Because we all love our country”: Refugee and Asylum‐Seeking Children,Australian Policy‐Makers,and the Building of National Sentiment

In this article I look at Australian political discourse from 2013 to 2016 to examine two twinned schemas: the ways in which the category of the child refugee or asylum‐seeker is produced, and the ways in which ideas of the Australian nation are produced, through emotional discourses, or economies of emotion. I am interested here in asking what emotional work these narratives about child refugees do in the national imagination, and to create an idea of “Australia”. Both the category of the child refugee/asylum‐seeker, and that of the nation, are not natural: they are historical productions, built through multivalent, multilingual discourses and practices. They are forms of creating difference amongst populations in society. Through a focus on these discourses, languages, and grammars — as enunciated by politicians, NGO workers, lawyers, activists, and policy‐makers — I will explore the specific ways in which the emotional economies function, and work to understand and historicise the systems of ideas and relations that they produce.     

Paisaje antes de la batalla. Notas sobre el contexto de la guerra contra las drogas en México

Mexico’s security crisis and Felipe Calderón’s (2006-2012) security strategy had its roots in drug trafficking, the prohibition of drugs, contraband and the border shared with the United States. Standard accounts of the violence experienced in the country, which reduce it to confrontations between drug cartels, are of little use. This article presents part of the context in which the security crisis developed, putting it in a historical perspective, and attempting to take a step towards a more nuanced interpretation. It holds that drug trafficking between Mexico and the United States is a complex, many-sided reality which admits dense symbolic elaboration. Apart from the very concrete shipping of drugs, drug trafficking is part of Mexico’s relation with the United States, a register that imbues the asymmetry between both countries with meaning, a space of political negotiation and a resource of American global diplomacy which is crystallized in a clandestine foreign policy system. Furthermore, through the demystification of the imagery that envelopes organized crime, corruption and contraband are examined, conceiving these two as phenomena that are integrated organically into borderland society.     

Scottish parliamentary record scholarship in the devolution era

In 1707 Scotland’s parliament ceased to exist. Yet it has since been the subject of two monumental acts of record scholarship; the Acts of the Parliaments of Scotland (1814-1875) in the nineteenth century and the Records of the Parliaments of Scotland (2007) in the twenty-first. Using the first of these as a touchstone, this article examines the ways in which the records of the pre-1707 parliament are presented, positioned and interpreted in the second. Unlike the nineteenth-century edition, which was produced in an era when adherence to the 1707 Act of Union with England went all but unquestioned, the twenty-first-century version was created during a period of constitutional devolution amidst a national debate over the question of independence from the United Kingdom. Approaching this new edition of parliamentary records as a cultural product, shaped and informed by the context in which it was created, therefore enables us to learn much about how the relationship between history and national identity in Scotland has changed since its predecessor was published. From there, the article questions the assumption that present-day understandings of Scottish identity are primarily civic and forward-looking, and argues that they are in fact partly based on claims which, whether secessionist or devolutionist, are fundamentally historical.     

Coercive Powers and the Australian National Crime Authority: A Practitioner's Defence

This paper considers the rationale for the use of coercive powers, such as investigative hearings and requirements to produce information, in the context of investigating serious criminal behaviour. It examines the extent to which such powers are used both in criminal and civil contexts and explores the principles which should be applied in deciding when such powers should be used. It argues that a balance must be struck between the degree of intrusiveness of such powers and the seriousness of the matters under investigation. It will suggest that in a liberal democratic framework such powers should only be used to investigate serious criminal behaviour or other conduct which has a serious impact on society. It is inconsistent with a liberal democratic tradition for such powers to be used without supervision by the courts. Finally, it will be argued that public debate about the use of such powers needs to be more informed. There needs to be greater understanding of the nature of these powers, and how they are used, and the checks and balances which should apply if the community is to make a considered decision on when such powers are appropriate.     

解析日本“格文化”

日本民族自古以来,以单一民族,单一国家,单一语言的形式,生活在几个自然灾害不断的岛屿上,既不像大陆游牧民那样,为寻找新牧场而主动迁移;也不像大陆农民那样,因河流改道等旱涝灾害而被迫迁移;更没有出现过大规模移民造成的"混血"现象。游离于大陆之外的岛国人文地理环境,使日本民族成了在整个"地球村"都难以找到"亲朋好友"的"孤独者",抱团求生存的无奈,造就了其思维方式的整体性,各种"格关系"构成的"格文化"形成了日本的基本社会架构。当巨大的自然灾害摧毁了日本人对故土的眷恋时,"死里逃生"的欲望便会表现为"困兽斗"的对外侵略。因此,解析"格文化"是从深层破解日本民族历史和现实中种种表现因由的重要途径。     

Committed to Coordination? Intergovernmental Councils as a Federal Safeguard

In this research note, I suggest that the design of intergovernmental councils (IGC) accounts for the extent to which they are able to prevent the federal government from encroaching on subnational jurisdictions. IGC operate in areas of interdependence where the federal government faces incentives to restore to hierarchical coordination. The effect of the intergovernmental safeguard is measured by the absence or presence of federal encroachment. Two concepts are useful to explain it: the extent to which governments are committed to coordination and the dominance of the federal government of vertical IGC. I argue that different combinations of the two variables help to understand the safeguarding effect of intergovernmental councils. In particular, I contend that in any configuration in which federal dominance is present the federal government can encroach on subnational jurisdictions. The research note shows how the concept of federal safeguards can be applied empirically.     

韩中同形汉字词小考

属于乌拉尔阿尔泰语系的韩国语与属于汉藏语系的汉语虽然不属于同族语言，但却同属汉字文化圈。在现代韩国语词汇中，按照韩国《韩国语大辞典》的分类，汉字词的数量为81362个，在整个韩国语的词汇中占53％。但由于历史的变迁，时至今日，有些韩中同形汉字词的意思发生了变化，有的是意义范围的扩大，有的是意义范围的缩小，有的甚至是意义范围的转移。本文以将以韩中同形汉字词为对象进行分类研究，希望本文对学习韩国语的中国学生在理解并正确使用韩国汉字词时能有所帮助。     

Environmental “Voluntary” Agreements: Conditions for Making Them Work

In the 1990s, Environmental Voluntary Agreements (EVAs) have received increased attention as an alternative or supplement to traditional policy instruments, such as taxes and legal regulation. Today, there is a tendency in industry and among some countries to consider EVAs as generally viable policy instruments across different sectors and problems. This article points to the risk of viewing EVAs as generally effective by exploring the conditions under which they are likely to affect the behavior of target groups. Three factors are identified: the type of problem to be solved, the political context in which the problem is approached and the type of agreement applied. The argument is that EVAs are most likely to work when problems are "easy" and can be coped with through "no‐regret" measures, when the political context is consensual and when the agreements themselves are advanced. These conditions are then confronted with the comprehensive voluntary program developed in the Netherlands and recent EU initiatives in this field.     

东北亚文明的创造性起源与发展性保存——以中国和韩国的宗教思想和礼仪为中心(上)

中国将自身的固有思想和印度思想融合后,产生了禅宗和新儒学两种创造性的宗教思想。韩国狂热地接受了这两种思想。不过有趣的是,这两种思想的痕迹在中国人的日常生活中已经难觅踪迹,而在韩国人的日常生活中却能够轻易找到。可以说在理论和实践方面依然保存着这两种思想的国家大概在全世界也只有韩国了。例如,现在韩国的僧侣还在沿用中国唐朝时僧侣背诵的礼法文,普通韩国人举行婚礼、葬礼和祭祀时依然遵循中国的朱子家礼。与此形成对照的是,现在在中国人身上已经很难找到这些旧习俗的痕迹了。     

东南亚恐怖主义的层累构造与演化逻辑

东南亚恐怖主义的形成有其特殊条件,是多种矛盾层累式构造的结果。东南亚各国历史上复杂的政治经济结构、族群社会结构带来的社会矛盾和族群矛盾构成了东南亚恐怖主义的基座。伊斯兰复兴运动衍生的极端伊斯兰意识形态以及基地组织在东南亚的扩散和"演进"成为东南亚恐怖主义成长的关键因素。美国发动的全球反恐战争给穆斯林带来选择困境,爱好和平的穆斯林同样需要抵制西方社会对伊斯兰教"污名化"的侵袭,反而为极端组织的成长提供了生命力。因为情势的不同,东南亚各国的反恐陷入集体行动的困境,固化了层累式构造的矛盾,影响了反恐行动与反恐合作。     

‘Critical Thinking’ and Pedagogical Implications for Higher Education

Global higher education is now situated in an open information environment in which national borders are routinely crossed and cultural identities are constantly shaped through encounters with diverse others. With over 4.5 million students on the move, pedagogical implications are potentially profound to the knowledge structure which so far has been largely affected by a single-dimensional version of history. Located at the very centre of current critical debates on higher educational pedagogy is the most contested issue of ‘critical thinking’ which has been credited as the essential attribute of graduates by all universities in Australia. In management practice, university policy makers have taken up ‘critical thinking’ to benchmark against the deficiency scenario often associated with international students, a large cohort of which come from Asia. This paper engages with the current critical debates and examines three aspects of ‘critical thinking’, the practices of teaching, doing and defending ‘critical thinking’ in university classrooms. In contesting ‘critical thinking’ as the essential attribute of graduates in the Western educational paradigm, this paper argues for an urgent need for a transcultural approach to think critically about the practice of ‘critical thinking’ and for an alternative pedagogical approach to global knowledge domains and knowledge production.     

东北亚文明的创造性起源与发展性保存——以中国和韩国的宗教思想和礼仪为中心(下)

中国将自身的固有思想和印度思想融合后,产生了禅宗和新儒学两种创造性的宗教思想。韩国狂热地接受了这两种思想。有趣的是,如今这两种思想在中国人的日常生活中已经难觅踪迹,而在韩国人的日常生活中却能够轻易找到。可以说,在理论和实践方面依然保存着这两种思想的国家大概在全世界也只有韩国了。例如,现在韩国的僧侣还在沿用中国唐朝时僧侣背诵的礼法文,普通韩国人举行婚礼、葬礼和祭祀时依然遵循中国的朱子家礼。     

KOTJEBI: NORTH KOREAN CHILDREN IN CHINA

The China/North Korea border has always been somewhat porous. Since the se-vere famines in the 1990s, the flow of migrants has tended to be towards China with a primarily illegal population of North Koreans seeking work, political freedom or simply essential supplies. Children from North Korea in China have a particularly precarious status. Either they are illegal immigrants themselves or they have mothers who are illegal immigrants. But, when interviewed, they did not repeat the stories of famine, endemic shortage and desperation which are so common in media reportage. Instead they spoke of a desire for a better life, with more opportunity, security and flexibility. It seems that the social, political and economic realities of the DPRK are changing rather faster than the dis-course which surrounds the country.