提升新媒体舆论引导能力研究

近年来,新媒体及其舆论日益凸显出强大的政治号召力、即时传播力、舆论扩散力和社会动员力。但在新媒体舆论引导中也存在一些思想观念和方式方法等方面的主要问题。因此,需要树立正确的网络舆论观,完善新媒体舆论引导机制,改进新媒体舆论引导方法,提高干部运用新媒体的能力,培育新媒体舆论引导队伍。     

全媒体时代背景下突发事件的舆论引导策略分析

近年来,我国社会逐渐步入全媒体时代,媒体产生于互联网,具有信息资源广、传播速度快等特点,由于媒体传播缺乏严格的监督管理,很容易产生一些谣言,从而对社会公众的生活造成很大的影响。特别是在发生突发事件后,媒体如果发布一些不真实或者煽动性言论,就会为社会造成极大的舆论压力,因此,分析全媒体时代下,突发事件的舆论引导策略有十分重要的意义。     

把牢“三网”关提高互联网舆论引导能力

当今时代，以互联网为代表的新兴媒体，正在深刻改变着媒体传播的内在结构和总体格局，带来了传播领域的革命性变革，成为引导社会舆论的重要阵地。如何通过新兴媒体联系群众、了解社情、凝聚人心、开展工作，成为对党的执政能力的全新考验。这一局面要求我们切实加强网上舆论引导，加快形成以主流网站为主要载体的传播社会主义核心价值体系的网络舆论阵地，牢牢掌握网上舆论主动权、主导权和话语权，营造和谐的网络舆论环境。     

舆论引导在危机传播中的价值分析

从价值论的视角,舆论引导在危机传播中的功能价值可分为目的性价值和工具性价值两个位阶:秩序价值是舆论引导在危机传播中的目的性价值,亦即终极价值;而稳定、协调、整合、监督、凝聚诸价值则是实现舆论引导目的性价值的工具性价值。探讨舆论引导在危机传播中的价值构成,对于提高媒体在危机传播中的舆论引导能力具有积极意义。     

优化网络条件下核心价值观的传播方式

在网络媒介时代,社会主义核心价值观的传播面临着巨大挑战。优化核心价值观传播方式,应实现"两个舆论场"的良性互动,避免价值观割裂和碎片化;通过差异化传播,以应对核心价值观的权威性被娱乐化的挑战;提高传播的主动性和自觉性,消除负面信息传播带来的后果;推进网络参与的制度化,解决网络舆论引导与核心价值观传播割裂的问题。     

微博时代舆论引导面临的挑战与对策研究

进入21世纪，微博的快速崛起，正以其强大的优势和功能，塑造出一个新的舆论传播时代。新媒体环境下，政府对舆论的控制能力大大减弱。微博时代如何加强舆论引导，已成为我们当前亟待研究解决的重大课题。     

浅谈传播心理学与网络舆论的形成

随着近年来网络传播的盛行,各种网络舆论和网络现象也成为大众传播中越来越被关注的问题,一些网络人物的蹿红以及网络现象在现实生活中的普及延伸,也在不断地向人们昭示,网络舆论的时代已经来临。从传播心理学的角度对网络舆论形成的过程进行分析,有利于厘清两者之间的关系,弄明白传播心理学对网络舆论形成的影响。     

意识形态安全视角下舆论环境治理能力提升研究

主流意识形态是国家舆论的思想来源,主流意识形态稳固安全才能长期引领社会舆论;舆论是意识形态的表现工具和方式,对意识形态起着加强或削弱的作用,只有构建积极的舆论环境才能维护意识形态的安全。当前,舆论传播呈现网络化、社会矛盾迅速表面化、主流舆论引导面临冲击、国际舆论环境复杂多变,对我国舆论环境治理提出了新的要求。因此,要着力提升对互联网发展规律的把握能力、对网络安全的保障能力、对网络舆论的引导能力、与媒体打交道能力以及对外传播能力,从而切实做好舆论环境治理工作,维护我国意识形态安全。     

网络舆论特征新解及发展趋势剖析

在互联网技术深度发展和互联网使用日趋广泛的今天,网络舆论的传播速度和社会影响力也日益扩大。本文在对网络舆论概念的廓清基础上,对网络舆论特征引入新的解析,并预测未来我国网络舆论的发展趋势,得出网络舆论主体的理性精神和社会责任将逐步增强,政府的舆论引导能力和制度体系建设将不断完善,网络舆论终将成为构建和谐社会的一个有效形式。     

微博时代的网络舆论引导对策研究

微博作为一种高度社会化的传播平台,已经成长为一个重要的新型舆论场,对社会舆论的影响力正在迅速增强。相对于微博舆论影响力的强大,与传统媒体的舆论引导有所不同的微博舆论引导,则面临着不少困境。通过认识微博舆论的生成与互动机制,将会发现微博舆论引导面临的种种困境,而突破这些困境来进行有效的微博舆论引导,则是探讨的重点。     

Migration and public trust in the commonwealth of independent states

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the post-Soviet space has seen regional integration in the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS). The CIS while moribund has affected migration in the post-Soviet space. Despite its persistence and effect on migration, few studies have sought to explore public perceptions towards the CIS. We address this limitation by developing several arguments, anchored on the literature on public opinion and European integration, to explain how perceptions towards migrants and employment status affect public trust in the CIS. Our analyses make use of the sixth wave of the World Values Survey that includes seven CIS member-states and finds strong support for our hypotheses. Our contribution lies in the investigation of public attitudes in a non-EU setting while applying arguments from EU literature and the wide coverage of our study compared to the extant literature on the CIS and public opinion.     

On filtering longitudinal public opinion data: Issues in identification and representation of true change

The Kalman filter is a popular tool in engineering and economics. It is becoming popular in political science, touted for its abilities to reduce measurement error and produce more precise estimates of true public opinion. Its application to survey measures of public opinion varies in important ways compared to the traditionally understood Kalman filter. It makes a priori assumptions about the variance of the sampling error that would not usually be made and does so in a way that violates an important property of the Kalman filter. Consequently, the behavior of the filter modified for public opinion measures is less well-known. Through simulations we assess whether and to what extent filtering: reliably detects the characteristics of time series; does so across series with different rates of autoregressive decay; and does so when the variance of the sampling error is unknown. We also examine whether the filtered data represents the level of true underlying variance and the extent to which filtering assists or hinders our ability to detect exogenous shocks. We learn a numbers of things. Most importantly, taking into account sampling error variance when filtering data can work well, though its performance does vary. First, filtering works best identifying time series characteristics when assuming a stationary process, even if the underlying process contains a unit root. Second, the performance of filtering drops off when we incorrectly specify the variance of the sampling error, and especially when we overestimate it. Third, when estimating exogenous shocks it is better to make no a priori assumptions regarding a measurement error variance unless we are absolutely certain we know what it is. In fact, applying the filter without specifying the measurement error variance is more often than not the best choice.     

Public opinion about social assistance in Sweden

Abstract. When studying public opinion about income-tested programmes, it is important to distinguish between expenditures and parameters regulating supply of social assistance. We suggest that the latter might be the most interesting. Using data from a survey study over a Swedish sample, we investigate public opinion about income thresholds in Swedish welfare programmes. The results show the public as being in favour of rather higher income thresholds, as compared to that decided by the politicians. We found that public opinion is more homogeneous concerning the income needs of adults than those of children. Although data on several background characteristics were available, we had difficulties in relating the answers to systematic factors of the individuals in the sample. Thus, we conclude that the Swedish population is rather homogeneous in their opinions about income thresholds in welfare programmes.     

Are they listening? Public opinion,interest groups and government responsiveness

What is the role of interest groups in the transmission of issues between the public and government policy? While government responsiveness to voters has received widespread scholarly attention, little is known about the role of interest groups in the transmission of public opinion to government. It is argued here that interest groups importantly influence government responsiveness to public opinion, but that the effect varies by type of interest group: while cause groups increase the responsiveness of governments to their electorate, sectional groups decrease government responsiveness. Drawing on a new and unique dataset, this article examines the relationship between public opinion, interest groups and government expenditure across 13 policy areas in Germany from 1986 until 2012 and shows that interest groups indeed have a differential effect on the responsiveness of governments. The article’s findings have important implications for understanding political representation and the largely overlooked relationship between public opinion, interest groups and government policy.     

Opinion Taking within Friendship Networks

Communication within friendship networks can provide gains in efficiency that help individuals enrich their understanding of politics. Through two panel survey experiments, we demonstrate that the dissemination of an individual's opinion about the hazards posed by public policies can have both durable and significant effects on the policy judgments of friends. These effects are conditioned by both the content of the communication and the recipient's level of political awareness. Opinions emphasizing potential risks carry more weight than those that attempt to alleviate concerns about potential risks. Moreover, opinion transmission is more effective for subjects who are less politically aware when policy issues are salient; but when the political issue is more esoteric, friends who are more politically aware evidence greater opinion change.     

The Role of Partisanship in Aggregate Opinion

Despite the centrality of party identification in U.S. politics, the effects of partisanship on public opinion remain elusive. In this article, we use monthly economic opinion data disaggregated by partisanship to evaluate the role of party identification on economic perceptions. Using both static and time-varying error correction models, we find strong evidence of partisan bias in the public??s assessment of the state of the economy, and importantly, this bias changes over time. This evidence of the changing influence of partisanship helps reconcile some of the different findings of individual and aggregate level opinion studies. We also examine how the time-varying influence of partisanship affects aggregate public opinion. Specifically, we show that the increased influence of partisanship has led aggregate economic perceptions to respond more slowly to objective economic information.     

The Unmet Potential of Interdisciplinary Research: Political Psychological Approaches to Voting and Public Opinion

Since its founding, political science has embraced interdisciplinary research. Yet there exist few, if any, systematic assessments of the success of these endeavors. We assess what is often seen as a paradigm of interdisciplinary collaboration: political psychological research on voting and public opinion. Surprisingly, we find little evidence of true interdisciplinary work; instead, we uncover misused concepts and scant evidence of conceptual or disciplinary integration. We conclude with suggestions for how to improve interdisciplinary research on voting and public opinion, and more generally.     

Responsive Government? Public Opinion and Government Policy Preferences in Britain and Denmark

The ability of a political system to respond to the preferences of its citizens is central to democratic theory and practice; yet most empirical research on government responsiveness has concentrated on the United States. As a result, we know very little about the nature of government policy responsiveness in Europe and we have a poor understanding of the conditions that affect cross-national variations. This comparative study examines the relationship between public opinion and policy preferences in the United Kingdom and Denmark during the past three decades. We address two key questions: First, are the government's policy intentions driven by public opinion or vice versa? Second, do political institutions influence the level of government responsiveness? We suggest that public opinion tends to drive the government's policy intentions due to the threat of electoral sanction, and that this is more pronounced in proportional systems than in majoritarian democracies.     

从国学热看国学普及

国学热是眼下比较热门的一个话题。这次国学热因为大众传媒的加入，因此凸现了国学普及这一课题。国学热的出现，反映了大众对国学的渴望，同时也暴露出当前文化市场需求与文化产品提供之间的矛盾，因此我们需要提供优秀的通俗国学作品、加强国学经典的学习、打造健康、完备的传播平台。针对当前国学热中的一些弊端，笔者认为我们可以乐观地看待。     

Extreme right-wing voting in Western Europe

Abstract. In this study we explain extreme right-wing voting behaviour in the countries of the European Union and Norway from a micro and macro perspective. Using a multidisciplinary multilevel approach, we take into account individual-level social background characteristics and public opinion alongside country characteristics and characteristics of extreme right-wing parties themselves. By making use of large-scale survey data (N = 49,801) together with country-level statistics and expert survey data, we are able to explain extreme right-wing voting behaviour from this multilevel perspective. Our results show that cross-national differences in support of extreme right-wing parties are particularly due to differences in public opinion on immigration and democracy, the number of non-Western residents in a country and, above all, to party characteristics of the extreme right-wing parties themselves.