Public Opposition To The Siting Of The High-Level Nuclear Waste Repository: The Importance Of Trust

This paper examines several dimensions of public opposition to the proposed siting of the high-level nuclear waste repository at Yucca Mountain. In order to provide a context for the public's views of the repository in metropolitan Clark County, both governmental studies of the repository siting process are analyzed, as well as elements of the Nuclear Waste Policy Act. This analysis suggests that one potentially key component of the public's opposition to the siting, as well as their perceptions of risk of the facility, may be the result of a lack of trust in the Department of Energy. Empirical analysis of survey data collected in Nevada in 1988 confirms the strong relationship between political trust and repository risk perceptions.     

Public And State Responses To High-Level Nuclear Waste Disposal: Learning From Policy Failure

Nuclear waste policy in the United States has jailed in large part because of public and state opposition to repository siting. However, that outcome was not inevitable. This paver argues that better policy design and greater attention to the crucial tasks of policy legitimation both by the U.S. Congress and by the Department of Energy might have significantly increased the chances for successful implementation. Even though the program now has a highly uncertain future, suggestions are offered for policy learning and change that may increase the probability of success.     

For a Few Dollars More: Public Trust and the Case for Transporting Nuclear Waste in Dedicated Trains

The debate about the use of dedicated trains for shipping spent fuel and high level nuclear waste has been going on for the past 15 years. The nuclear industry and its regulatory agencies would like to consider the case closed. The recent passage of the Hazardous Materials Transportation Uniform Act of 1990, however, opens the door once more, giving the railroads and other proponents of dedicated trains another chance to present their case. This paper argues that earlier conclusions favoring regular trains over dedicated trains were based on incomplete cost and risk information and neglected other factors which are not technical, but social and institutional in nature. The paper finds that the additional cost of a dedicated system is lower than previously thought and concludes that it is a small price to pay for reduced public opposition and increased levels of trust.     

Equality of Status, Inequality of Result: State Power and High-Level Radioactive Waste

American intergovernmental relationships are continually redefinedthrough political processes by which the state and federal governmentsseek to achieve their respective policy goals. Following a summaryof the development of federal policy for the disposal of high-levelradioactive waste (HLW), federal court cases that have resultedfrom the selection of Nevada as the nation's host for a HLWrepository are discussed. The cases raise, in a unique way,questions regarding the equality of states' power in the contextof constitutional principles such as the equal footing doctrine,the privileges and immunity clause, and the Tenth Amendment.Questions are also raised regarding the ability of states tosafeguard their interests in the political arena as describedin Garcia.     

Expert Judgment and High Level Nuclear Waste Management

Prominent figures believe that expert judgment must play a decisive role in implementing the NWPAA. A critical, philosophical examination of this method is provided. Resolution of difficulties inherent to expert judgment reveals the adoption of equally problematic epistemological assumptions. A fresh approach which rejects the dichotomies bred by the controversy over the status of expert judgment is offered.     

Beyond the NIMBY Syndrome in Hazardous Waste Facility Siting: The Albertan Breakthrough and the Prospects For Cooperation in Canada and the United States

The prospects for agreements in the siting of hazardous waste facilities in Canada and the United States would appear bleak given the repeated failures of the past decade. A variety of provincial and state siting approaches have been attempted, only to be thwarted regularly by local opposition. The most far–reaching exceptional case involves the siting of a comprehensive hazardous waste disposal facility in Alberta, Canada in the mid-1980s. The Alberta approach to siting differed markedly from those of other provinces and states and in many respects met the conditions necessary for policy cooperation specified by the maturing institutionalist and game theoretic literatures on this topic. The Alberta siting agreement has already demonstrated shortcomings in the implementation phase and may not be easily transplanted to other subnational units of government. Nonetheless, it suggests that the Not-In-My-Back-Yard Syndrome so familiar in hazardous waste facility siting need not be an inevitability and that careful attention to key aspects of siting policy may facilitate cooperation.     

小议我国股东权司法救济制度

对股东权的司法救济是股权保障的重要方式。以诉的构成要素为视角分析股东权司法救济程序，引导选择正确的股权保护模式。我国股东权司法救济程序还需进一步完善。     

Consultation, Constraints and Norms: The Case of Nuclear Waste

The objectives of public consultation can clash with other policy objectives, partly because the norms underpinning public consultation clash with other institutional norms within the policy process. This phenomenon is evident in the case of selecting a site for a low-level nuclear waste disposal facility in Australia. This case shows how the results of consultation processes are moulded by the process design, which in turn is constrained by a range of policy process norms to which governments adhere. The case confirms some recent critiques of participatory practices. It also suggests that reconciling potentially competing policy process norms will be an important exercise in institutional design if elected representatives wish to mitigate citizens' alienation from their governments.     

金融危机条件下中小企业如何进行成本控制

中小企业的大量存在是一种在各个地区和不同发展阶段曾遍存在的现象,是经济发展的内在要求和必然结果。而成本的管理与控制始终是企业获得利润和发展的永恒话题。中小企业如何通过成本控制来应对金融危机,抓住机遇,化危为机,从危机中突围出来,是其必须面对的重大课题。     

高校艺术设计类教学模式创新探索——以网络流行文化为背景

在我国高校教育的众多学科及组成部分中,高校艺术设计类教育始终占有着一个特殊的地位。尤其伴随着科技及互联网的普及和发展,信息时代的巨大影响导致高校艺术类学生不断产生新的变化和特点,高校艺术设计类学科教学也面临着新的挑战。因此,充分了解和掌握高校艺术设计类学生的思想状态和行为习惯是保证教学的重要前提。除此之外,高校艺术设计类教师如何更有效地利用网络资源与时俱进,提高自己的专业水平以及情感化教学的能力,也成为新时代高校艺术类教育工作者的重要课题。     

Intergovernmental Complexity in Nuclear Waste Disposal Policy: The Indeterminate Role of Local Government

Local governments play a critical, albeit often overlooked, role in nuclear waste disposal policymaking. The centrality of local governments in the policymaking process rests on the simple fact that impacts will be borne disproportionately by local jurisdictions hosting and immediately adjacent to waste disposal sites. This article focuses on the capacity of local jurisdictions in Southern and rural Nevada to absorb and support an undertaking as large and technically complex as the proposed high-level nuclear waste repository. The article also examines the perceptions of local government officials concerning a number of management and policy issues related to the construction and operation of the proposed waste repository.     

The Enactment of the Nuclear Waste Policy Act of 1982: A Multiple Perspectives Explanation

The Nuclear Waste Policy Act (NWPA) is generally analyzed from the distinct perspective of any given actor involved in the nuclear waste policymaking process. Yet, these perspectives often rest on totally different models of decisionmaking. This article applies a multiple perspective explanation as developed by Allison (1971) and Linstone (1984) to the NWPA and explains policy outcomes by reference to three models of decisionmaking: rational actor, organizational processes and governmental politics. Commonalities and points of disjointure in the three models are highlighted and prospects for future nuclear waste disposal policy development are assessed using an integrated decisionmaking framework.     

Policy Change,Policy Feedback,and Interest Mobilization: The Politics of Nuclear Waste Management

Many of the leading theories of the policy process are aimed at providing insights into the factors that make policy change more (or less) likely. In general, policy change is seen as a result of shifting dynamics within policy subsystems. However, building on theories of policy feedback and interest mobilization, this article examines whether policy change, apart from being an effect of subsystem dynamics, can be a cause of shifting dynamics as latent actors are motivated to participate in the subsystem as a result of policy change. Two hypotheses regarding post‐policy change mobilization are developed and tested using data on participation in congressional hearings concerning the management of nuclear waste. The findings suggest that policy change can activate latent policy actors, specifically those actors that view themselves as “losing” as a result of the policy change. These results point to the need for scholars to examine the potential impacts of post‐policy change dynamics on policy development.     

For the People, Of the People and By the Military: The Regime Structure of Modern Turkey

The arrival, and subsequent longevity, of the military in politics in much of the Middle East over the last 50 years or so has elicited considerable attention. This is, perhaps, particularly so in Turkey, where, since 1909, there has been only 10 years in which a fully civilian administration has governed. Recently, the collapse of the Kurdish Workers Party and the beginning of a process of constitutional amendment aimed at meeting EU accession criteria has sharpened the controversy over the role of the military in the Turkish polity. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this debate by analysing the methods through which military rule has been perpetuated since the Second World War. Using the work of the sociologists Eric Nordlinger and Michael Mann, I argue that two succinct regime strategies are discernible. The first – semi-authoritarian incorporation – was deployed throughout Turkey during the 1960s and 1970s. Following the 1980 coup, however, it existed alongside a second method – autocratic militarism – which emerged in south-east Anatolia. Thus, the primary purpose of this paper is to offer an explanation for the structure of these strategies.