比较视域下的大国权力转移机理研究

从理论上厘清大国间权力转移的原因、机制和结果具有重要现实与研究意义。霸权转移论、均势论、权力转移论和领导长周期论是理解上述问题的主要理论。霸权转移论认为国内与国际因素会持续作用于国际关系，使崛起国与霸权国只能通过霸权战争实现国际政治中的霸权转移；均势论将政治因素视为权力转移的主要原因，认为国家能通过多种均势手段将权力转移的结果维持在均势范围内；权力转移论不仅认为不同的经济发展速度引发了大国间权力转移，还指出了多种权力转移机制，并强调等级制国际秩序的重建是权力转移的结果；领导长周期论将技术因素视作引发权力转移的主要原因，认为战争是权力转移的主要机制而等级制国际秩序的重建是权力转移的结果。未来可从多个方面深化四种理论的研究并利用其指导中国在百年未有之大变局下的富强实践。     

反思“美国例外主义”——美国霸权的理论基础及对我国民族问题的影响

“美国例外主义”是美国霸权的理论基础之一，它为美国霸权提供了一个意识形态和社会心理的支持体系。美国霸权的一个重要方面就是借助多民族主权国家内部的民族问题干涉其内政，从而实现美国的战略目标。在这个意义上，中国的民族问题并不是例外。在民族问题上，“西强我弱”的理论和舆论态势对我国政府的国际形象产生了相当大的负面影响，需要采取有效的措施应对这种挑战。     

浅析美国的大国成长之路

在19世纪七八十年代,美国就已经是世界经济第一强国,从世界经济第一强国到霸权全面建立,经历了大约半个世纪的时间,自身内部完成多方面的深刻转变,也有效地利用了国际环境。探讨美国的大国成长之路,对回答中国如何崛起这一问题具有重大的理论和现实意义。     

美国的霸权稳定的战略文化主导下对华遏制政策

自二战结束以后,美国确立了国际体系中的权力优势地位,而维持和巩固这一优势地位即霸权地位,是美国战略文化的主旋律。美国的对华政策中的遏制政策,在很大程度上是美国的霸权稳定这一战略文化的主导之下的美国外交选择。自中国实行改革开放以来,中国的战略文化发生了根本的转变,但是,中国的快速发展,使得美国仍有遏制中国的需要。     

美国的霸权稳定的战略文化主导下对华遏制政策

自二战结束以后，美国确立了国际体系中的权力优势地位，而维持和巩固这一优势地位即霸权地位，是美国战略文化的主旋律。美国的对华政策中的遏制政策，在很大程度上是美国的霸权稳定这一战略文化的主导之下的美国外交选择。自中国实行改革开放以来，中国的战略文化发生了根本的转变，但是，中国的快速发展，使得美国仍有遏制中国的需要。     

科索沃战争不是历史的转折点

科索沃战争表明，冷战之后，国际社会的主要矛盾是美国要建立霸权体系，而世界上绝大多数国家不愿接受。冷战后10年来，国际主要矛盾并不是文明之间或民族之间的矛盾，这次积极参与科索沃危机问题的大国并没有按着文明或民族的不同来分，同时表明大国与美国在建立什么样的国际体系问题上是有尖锐矛盾的。苏联解体后，美国获得了霸权地位，成为唯一的超级大国，但要建立霸权体系，必须做到三点：体系化；制度化；规范化。体系化就是建立以美国为主导，地区大国与其相配合，中小国附从的安全体系。所谓制度化，就是通过联合国使之制度化，当在…     

美国霸权的演进路径与中美关系的未来走势

第一次世界大战结束100年来,美国建立并长期维持了世界霸权。冷战结束后,美国作为世界上唯一的超级大国,霸权主义进一步膨胀,国际战略格局因此进入美国"一霸独大"的历史过渡期。进入新世纪以来,由于国际力量对比发生了深刻变化,美国霸权呈现出了新的特点,对世界和平发展与中国和平崛起构成威胁。中国秉承反对强权政治,谋求平等合作的原则立场,坚守中华民族全面复兴伟大目标,从容应对美国霸权新挑战,并将此作为新时代中国特色大国外交的重要任务。     

对均势生成机理的历史思考

均势理论是现实主义的核心命题之一,一直是西方学者考察世界政治格局基本形态与发展轨迹的重要理论依据之一。权力均衡是均势生成的肥沃土壤,力学均衡是均势生成的巨大驱动,人性本恶是均势生成的哲理基础。     

试析帕麦斯顿的强硬外交

帕麦斯顿是一位可与丘吉尔比肩的重要历史人物,支配当时世界上最强大国家的外交政策20余年.他的外交政策明显地具有强硬的特征,主要表现在:"支持"比利时独立、推动克里木战争和发动两次鸦片战争.其目的有三:保持欧洲均势、开拓海外市场和满足公众舆论.而英国的工业霸权和海上霸权则是其经济后盾和军事后盾.帕麦斯顿奉行非常现实的实力外交与强硬外交,以武力、战争来为英国资产者获取利益,为此不惜与法国对抗、与俄国兵戎相见、远涉重洋侵略中国.     

略论中国和平崛起的制约因素

中国在争取实现和平崛起的历史进程中,首先将面临着美国单极霸权以及这一霸权所主导的经济全球化和政治全球化两大趋势的严重外部制约;其次,在地缘政治、民族心理和制度需求等方面又存在着深刻的三重困境。面对着这些国际国内的问题和挑战,中国需要制定和实施有限、自制的外交战略政策,从而为中华民族的伟大复兴创建良性互动的国内外环境。     

我国量刑程序的构建——以英美量刑程序为视角的分析

量刑不均衡是我国刑事司法实践中面临的一个普遍问题。量刑程序相对独立于定罪程序,有利于被告人辩护权的实现,并形成对法官自由裁量权的制约,实现量刑的一致性。英美两国独立的量刑程序对我国量刑程序的构建有重要的借鉴价值,但在我国有效的案件分流机制未形成的情况下,构建相对独立的量刑模式是理性的选择。     

Michael Leifer and the balance of power

Abstract

In the work of the late Professor Michael Leifer few concepts are invoked more often than the balance of power. It was due to his reliance on this concept that Michael Leifer came to be widely regarded as an exponent of realism and an advocate of countervailing balance of power practices. By reviewing Leifer's own writings, this article not only re-examines the now almost standard interpretation of his work, but also investigates the significance of the balance of power in his scholarship in new ways. The first section identifies the two key meanings Leifer explicitly imputed to the balance of power. It also examines Leifer's arguments relative to what he perceived as changes in the balance of power. This will be done with reference to his analyses of the international politics of Southeast and East Asia in the Cold War and post-Cold War period. The second section extends the discussion on the particularities of Leifer's writings on the balance of power, but relates it specifically to the question of what Leifer's writings suggest about his theoretical home. His ability to demonstrate the significance of the balance of power as a political factor in the foreign policies of individual Southeast Asian states is the focus of the third section. Finally, the article builds on Leifer's empirical writings on the importance of psychological factors in relation to the balance of power as policy to take up theoretically important questions that he himself did not pursue, particularly about the extent to which the balance of power is the product of struggles for security and recognition. The article draws three conclusions. First, Leifer should be thought of not as a diehard advocate of conventional balance of power practices, but rather as a scholar broadly working within English School parameters who was deeply wedded to the idea that the balance of power is necessary to uphold regional order in international society in the context of the rise of a potentially hegemonic power. Second, one of the finest aspects of Leifer's scholarly legacy is to be found in his discussion of the balance of power factor in the foreign policies of Southeast Asian states. Third, Leifer should also be an inspiration to those interested in empirical work underlining the importance of struggles for recognition in the formation and practice of the balance of power.     

洛克对政治权力内涵的分析

洛克在《政府论两篇》中分析了政治权力的内涵。他的学说对英美自由主义理论的发展产生了深远的影响。尽管如此,学界却一直忽视了洛克的政治权力理论,仅仅强调了他的权利理论。本文试图弥补这一缺陷。洛克分析政治权力的起点是享有财产权和自由的个体,这些个体构成了一个前政治的自由秩序。以此为基础,洛克通过社会契约解释了政治权力的生成逻辑,并在这一论证过程中赋予政治权力以特定的道德属性。他阐释政治权力内涵的另一个特点是他赋予了政治权力以一种特殊的存在形态,即"立法权力"。洛克阐述的这一政治权力有效地在理论上对抗了当时的父权理论和绝对主权理论,为他设计一个宪政国家奠定了基础。     

The Diffusion of Executive Power in American State Constitutions: Tenure and Tenure Limitations

The comparative study of the development of state constitutionalprovisions concerning executive power, within the frameworkof diffusion theory, has value for a general understanding ofexecutive authority in contemporary America. American chiefexecutive offices were designed with a complex package of powersand limits, all viewed by their creators as mutually contingentand in delicate balance. Since the creation of each executiveoffice, constitutional development has evidenced a "decouplingeffect," that is, in different eras, discrete powers and limits,considered individually, were altered in response to unfoldingevents and changing ideological premises, generally with theeffect of enhancing executive power. This pattern is evidentin the development of the current norm in constitutional provisionsregarding tenure and tenure limitation, the four-year term andthe two-term limit. In this development, there has been evidenceof mutual influence between the states and the national governmentwith some evidence, too, of regional patterns of resistanceto change (in New England). Somewhat surprisingly for thosewhose study of executive power is limited to the Presidency,when a comparative approach is employed, the post-Civil Warperiod emerges as a crucial time of executive strengtheningin America.     

Managerial Responsibility

The concept of managerial responsibility is a shining thread in the literature of public administration, but its definition within our constitutional scheme remains elusive. How will we know responsible public management when we see it? We propose one answer: Public administration should be conducted according to what we term a “precept of managerial responsibility,” which involves four interrelated elements derived from the classical literature of public administration: judgment, accountability, balance, and rationality. We apply this precept to one of the most vexing problems of public administration theory and practice, institutional reform litigation. This application illustrates how the precept solves a major theoretical problem of American public administration by defining a role for administrative officers that fully comports with the Madisonian scheme of separated institutions—legislative, executive, and judicial—sharing power.     

论大学内部权力结构的形成机制

大学内部权力结构的研究渐渐引人关注，本文通过封中外大学权力理论谱系的分析，重新建耩了基于社会契约论和权力让渡理论的大学内部权力结构。大学内部的行政权力主要来源于学术权力、市场权力和政府权力（政党权力）的让渡，这些权力通过政治上的博弈最终形成一股合力，支配大学组织行政职权体系的构成和运行；而大学行政权力属于衍生权力，它是对这股政治合力的执行，其具体表现为行政职权。     

Cloth without a weaver: power,emergence and institutions across global value chains

Abstract

In studies of the fragmentation and internationalization of production, most value chain approaches consider the inter-firm balance of power as the critical dynamic in development. With the firm as the primary unit of analysis, research long held out two promises: first, bridging the ‘micro-macro gap’ in development theory, meaning making valid inferences from micro-level actors (firms) to macro-sociological outcomes; and second, reconciling its firm-level organizational approach with institutionalism. This paper argues, first, that the literature is artificially constrained in bridging the micro-macro gap due to its delimited conceptualization of ‘power’, based on the ‘agentic-strategic’ behaviour of firms. It argues for broadening the notion of power to bridge the levels of analysis, based on the concept of ‘emergence’. Second, while institutional critics are correct in criticizing value chain scholarship for its neglect, this paper finds that the effects of institutions are not as consistent or determinative as suggested, and hence it seeks to expand the scope for incorporating institutionalism. These points are illustrated through an intra-industry comparative study of three textile agro-industries in China.     

Government Credible Commitment to the French and American Nuclear Power Industries

Backlash against nuclear power, although widespread, affected nuclear power programs differently in the United States than in France owing to their differing institutional setups. This article uses a transaction costs economics approach to examine government credible commitment to the French and American nuclear power industries. Positive political theory sheds light on the comparative institutional environment in each industry. The American combination of fragmented power, little reliance on bureaucratic expertise, an independent judiciary, and opposing interest groups greatly undermines the ability of the U.S. government to credibly commit to the nuclear power industry. In France, despite substantial anti‐nuclear interest groups, the impermeability of the institutional setup—no division of power, weak judiciary, and reliance on bureaucratic expertise—effectively prevents activists from influencing policy outcomes. © 2001 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.     

对新时期维护公安民警执法权的思考

新时期公安民警执法权的必然延伸,对维护公安民警执法权提出了新的更高要求.面对公安民警执法权行使中的困境,应在平衡权力关系、提高执法素质和能力、加强制度建设和营造良好的执法环境等方面付诸努力.     

全球化中国家权力的走向

全球化的社会生活跨越国界,国家权力出现某些失效.国家的一些权力向跨国公司、金融集团和跨国组织转移.传统的国家观在全球化中需要调整和转型.全球化中的国家权力一方面具有深厚的存在依据,另一方面也要在权力的范围和行使方式上受到限制.国家权力需要依照民族的利益在保留和限制之间作出平衡的选择.