States of distinction: gender,Japan and the international political economy

This article looks at the question of how to understand the link between the changing position of women and gender relations and the changes in the global political economy. Drawing on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, the authors argue that states compete for respectability and distinction on the world stage, and that they deploy particular material articulations of gender and class relations as forms of symbolic capital for the nation. The authors demonstrate this using Japan as an example, tracing changes in the condition and representation of women between 1856 and 1945, as Japan's position in the global hierarchy of nations moved from a subordinated through a resisting to a colonising country. The authors suggest that women and gender relations are central to understanding international relations, and they propose a conceptual framework for analysing the significance of women and gender in the global political economy     

precarious changes: gender and generational politics in contemporary Italy

The issue of a generational exchange in Italian feminism has been crucial over the last decade. Current struggles over precariousness have revived issues previously raised by feminists of the 1970s, recalling how old forms of instability and precarious employment are still present in Italy. This essay starts from the assumption that precariousness is a constitutive aspect of many young Italian women's lives. Young Italian feminist scholars have been discussing the effects of such precarity on their generation. This article analyses the literature produced by political groups of young scholars interested in gender and feminism connected to debates on labour and power in contemporary Italy. One of the most successful strategies that younger feminists have used to gain visibility has involved entering current debates on precariousness, thus forcing a connection with the larger Italian labour movement. In doing so, this new wave of feminism has destabilized the universalism assumed by the 1970s generation. By pointing to a necessary generational change, younger feminists have been able to mark their own specificity and point to exploitative power dynamics within feminist groups, as well as in the family and in the workplace without being dismissed. In such a layered context, many young feminists argue that precariousness is a life condition, not just the effect of job market flexibility and not solely negative. The literature produced by young feminists addresses the current strategies engineered to make ‘their’ precarious life more sustainable. This essay analyses such strategies in the light of contemporary Italian politics. The main conclusion is that younger Italian women's experience requires new strategies and tools for struggle, considering that the visibility of women as political subjects is still quite minimal. Female precariousness can be seen as a fruitful starting point for a dialogue across differences, addressing gender and reproduction, immigration, work and social welfare at the same time.     

Adolescence,embodiment and gender identity in contemporary india: Elite women in a changing society

This article is based on primary research among young middle-class women in school in India. It attempts to understand the processes in families and schools that contribute to the reproduction and creation of a class and gender specific habitus, as well as the factors that lead to the formation of a particular kind of identity that is located in the transitory moment of both reproduction and change in contemporary Indian society. It is argued that recolonization is the most significant social process in the postcolonial culture that constitutes urban, Indian society, and this undoubtedly shapes gender identity in different ways. The family is the ground on which the heterosexual patriarchal ideal is nurtured and sustained. At the same time, the influence of peer group cultures on young women's and men's perceptions of their embodied selves and gender identity is significant. Their perceptions of their identities are grounded in prevailing media images and clearly young women and men consciously create, devise, and formulate their own rules for conduct, appearance, and self-presentation within the complexity that is characteristic of a changing society.     

the gender politics of political violence: women armed activists in ETA

This article aims to contribute to the developing area of feminist scholarship on women and political violence, through a study of women in one of Europe's oldest illegal armed movements, the radical Basque nationalist organization ETA. By tracing the changing patterns of women's participation in ETA over the past four decades, the article highlights the historical factors that help explain the choice of a small number of Basque women to participate directly in political violence, and shows how these factors have differed from those for men. While the gender politics of radical nationalism are intricately linked to cross-cultural associations of militarism with certain forms of masculinity, the article also stresses the importance of understanding women's activism in ETA in the context of the organization's characteristic as an ethnic nationalist movement, as well as the wider historical circumstances of the movement's development, including the modernization of Spanish and Basque society over the past four decades. Although comparisons with women in other armed movements are possible, such historical specificities undermine any attempt to construct a universal theory of women and ‘terrorism’, such as Robin Morgan's ‘couple terrorism’ thesis. Finally, the article examines the changing representations of female ETA activists in the Spanish and Basque media. Although women ETA activists are now regarded as ‘normal’, popular representations continue to link women's armed activism with deviant sexuality and the transgression of their natural destiny as mothers. The different treatment of women is evident as well in claims of sexual torture made by some detainees. The article concludes that although the participation of women in political violence poses disquieting questions for the largely anti-militarist women's movement, case studies of women in armed organizations, as well as their place in the wider practices of conflict, are an important contribution both to feminist debates about violence and to wider studies of political violence.     

When the Earth is Female and the Nation is Mother: Gender,the Armed Forces and Nationalism in Indonesia

Takamure Itsue has many faces following different phases of her life: poet, activist-writer, anarchist, ethnologist and historian. Throughout these transformations, Takamure maintained her feminist position. This article concentrates on her politics of love, sex and marriage, formulated and presented in the pre-war period during the time of Japanese colonial empire. A specific focus is placed on her positionality in the act of writing within the discursive field of women whose nation was colonizing others, notably Koreans. The combination of positivistic craving for ‘scientific’ history to substantiate the uxorilocal tradition of Japanese matrimony and uncritical acceptance of ‘motherhood’ as a superior virtue led her to consequently embrace Japan's colonialism.     

Beyond nature versus nurture: Process and biology in the development of gender

The origins of gender, like the origins of human nature, are sometimes said to lie in biological determination, sometimes in social construction. Feminist theory began with criticising biological determinism and its portrayal of women, and inevitably emphasised the social construction of gender. However, seeing gender or human nature as wholly or mainly socially constructed seems to deny the biological processes which comprise our physical experiences of ourselves, and it is this omission which has recently led some writers (both feminist and antifeminist) to lay stress on the significance of biology in human behaviour and its development.These two opposing views of the origin of behaviour are still dominant, despite various attempts to emphasise how biology and social context might interact to produce, say, gender differences: this continued dominance of the nature/nurture duality has considerable political relevance to feminism, and has contributed to the rise of the New Right ideology concerning, for example, the natural role of women and the family.In this paper, we stress the relevance of the nature/nurture duality for this political shift, and attempt to formulate a way out of the impasse. Attempts have sometimes been made to avoid the duality by emphasising the interaction of nature and nurture. However, in most academic writing, the “interaction” proposed fails to avoid the dichotomy completely, and relies on a view of individual development as unfolding towards a goal or plan. The latter is how gender development is typically portrayed, emerging from an unfolding of biological potential (giving rise to “sex” differences), and subsequently from socialisation.It is important for feminism to emphasise the alternative view of biological development, which lays stress on developmental process, of which “biology” is but a part, rather than viewing individuals as maturing or unfolding towards some “goal.” By this change of emphasis, feminist theory may begin to avoid the double pitfall of biological determinism on the one hand; and of constructing “gender” in a world devoid of human bodies, and biological processes, on the other.     

(Re)creating gender hierarchies within northern landscapes: a study of stories about nature and gender

This article examines how gender hierarchies are (re)created within the context of northern landscapes. We analyse data from fieldwork and interviews with middle-class female Russians having settled in a small town in northernmost Norway, most of them as marriage migrants. Inspired by the phenomenology of the body, feminist phenomenology and gender theory, the analysis shows how the participants talk about nature as ‘recreation’ and ‘poetry’, but also as a venue that is vital for (re)shaping their gendered identities. In particular, the Russian women talk about their strong, skilful outdoors Norwegian husbands as ‘experts’ in nature, and about themselves as ‘novices’. This ‘expert–novice’ relationship creates a hierarchical distinction between the Norwegian man and the Russian woman, but also attributes additional value to the equality-oriented, but in several cases neither highly educated nor highly paid, Norwegian husband. Through this ‘re-masculinisation’ of their Norwegian partners, the Russian women create a complementary, but subordinate space for themselves. The analysis reveals that our participants situate themselves in contrast to the Norwegian equality ideal while creating a room of their own where they can form a separate and unique Russian femininity. This illustrates how constructions of gender are interwoven in translocal ‘minoritising’ and ‘majoritising’ processes.     

Book Review: When gender equality becomes men's rights: An analysis of EC law

In a society that is becoming more and more dependent on science and technology, there is an increasing need for alternative ways of understanding our existence, so that we can construct societies and ways of living that are sustainable. This article focuses on technoscientific challenges in feminism, by identifying how the meanings of concepts and categories change over time and vary according to different contexts and periods. How are we to succeed in modifying the prevailing discourses of science and views of knowledge and the processes through which technoscience shapes and is shaped, in order to achieve more permanent changes? Do feminist positions make sense in challenges of dominated discourses of technoscience and in transformative research projects?     

English ethical socialism: women writers,political ideas and the public sphere between the wars

The novelists Rebecca West, Winifred Holtby, Margaret Storm Jameson, and Naomi Mitchison developed an interest in politics during the 1930s as a response to the pervasive belief that their society was becoming increasingly uncivil and fragmented. The erosion of social bonds had adverse emotional effects on the members of their communities and prevented the creation of associations that would bring about the socio-political change needed to prevent another war. Politics was a means of establishing workable relationships between the state – felt to be increasingly distant from the lives of the majority of the citizenry; the sum of voluntary associations which constituted civil society; and individuals, demoralised by isolation. It was to the workings of civil society that these four writers turned their attention with a view to examining closely the intricacies of human relationships under adverse conditions. At the same time, they offered alternative models of human interaction that would allow individuals to develop their personalities more fully in a nourishing environment. This article analyses their position by placing their non-fictional work within the context of the political ideas circulating at the time, emphasising the moral implications of their political vocabulary.     

Labor rights are civil rights: inter-racial unionism and the struggle to unionize Nissan in Canton,Mississippi

Abstract

On 4 August 2017, workers at Nissan’s plant in Canton, Mississippi, voted 2244 to 1307 against being represented by the United Automobile Workers of America (UAW). The organizing campaign in Canton – which began shortly after the plant opened in 2003 – was one of the most important in recent labor history, and it attracted national and international media coverage. It also mobilized some high-profile supporters, including actor Danny Glover, musician Common, Democratic National Committee chair Tom Perez, and presidential contender Bernie Sanders. This article uses interviews with Nissan workers and UAW staffers, together with the records of the long organizing drive, to provide the first detailed examination of this landmark campaign, revealing problems that press accounts did not cover. While the UAW and its supporters blamed Nissan’s fierce opposition for the outcome, this article reveals that the reasons for the loss were more complex. Apart from corporate opposition, community hostility, the increasing number of temporary workers – who were unable to vote in the election – and racial divisions were all important factors. Most of the UAW’s supporters were African-American, and they were mobilized by a campaign that declared that, ‘Labor Rights are Civil Rights.’ This slogan alienated many whites, however, weakening the union. While the UAW pledged to fight on, the defeat was another blow to its long campaign to organize foreign-owned automakers in the U.S., an increasingly important sector.