On the Right to Have Nationality Rights: Statelessness,Citizenship and Human Rights

Netherlands International Law Review - This article considers contemporary predicaments of nationality rights against the background of reflection on Arendt’s phrase ‘the right to have...     

论公民权与公权利

公民的特定涵义是有权参与国家政治的"公人"、"政治人",公民权即公民"参与国家"的"公权利",它与"私人"的自然人、经济人及其"私权利"不能等同.而"国民"的则具有宪法上的公民和私法上的自然人的双重身份和公权利与私权利双重权利.公权利是对应和对抗公权力的.所谓"市民社会"也应兼有政治性的"公民社会"和经济社会性的"私人社会"双重属性.澄清这些概念和确认其宪政地位,并保障公民权的享有和行使,对于推进政治改革,建立法治国家和和谐社会,具有重大的现实意义.     

从主体性到关系性:人权论证的范式转向

人权是时代的观念。通过分析人权的概念要素可以看到,尽管人权争议源于对人的理解不同而体现为人权性质上的争议,但在根本上则在于,它们都属于一种主体性哲学框架下的人权论证理论,从而具有不可避免的缺陷。对人权正当性的追问必然要求实现人权论证的范式转向,即从主体性转向关系性。从关系性视角来论证人权尽管源于青年黑格尔,但只是到当代才由哈贝马斯立足交往行动理论作出了系统的阐明。在实践上,人权论证的关系论转向对进一步深化与推动人权具有重要的意义。     

Rules for Rights: European Law,Health Care and Social Citizenship

Social citizenship is about equality. The obvious problem for European social citizenship in a very diverse Union is that Member States will not be able or willing to bear the cost of establishing equal rights to health care and similar aspects of social citizenship. Health care is a particularly good case of this tension between EU citizenship and Member State diversity. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) strengthened the right to health care in other Member States, but this cannot create an equal right to health care when Member States are so different. In its efforts to balance a European right, the Court has formulated ‘rules for rights’—not so much European social citizenship rights, as a set of legal principles by which it judges the decisions of the Member States.     

海外华人与国籍法——国籍法的社会学分析

海外华人对中国历史上的国籍立法具有十分重要的影响 ,这种影响不仅体现在海外华人的要求与力量是推动国籍立法的一个主要原因 ,而且也体现在立法中为争取海外华人的认同、维护华侨的正当利益、发展正常国家间关系对血统主义原则的采用以及关于入籍与出籍的一些具体规定上。海外华人对国籍立法的影响也说明 ,法律源于社会 ,即一部法律制定的起因及其采用何种原则 ,主要是受当时社会形势的影响 ,而关于立法的知识则在其次。     

让流浪的权利回家——经济法学“权利缺失”现象反思

反思是学术进步的动力,通过对经济法学的反思,我们可以发现其存在非常突出的重权力、轻权利问题。这种"权利缺失"现象说明了经济法权利理论的严重不足,将给经济法理论体系带来灾难性后果,导致经济法学在思想市场的竞争中面临生存危机。对此,必须清醒地认识到经济法学的学术使命,通过方法论与范式转型等措施,加快经济法权利理论的建设。     

重新解读男女平等的法律含义--访挪威男女平等事务督察官

受法学所指派 ,我有幸访问挪威人权研究所 ,并就挪威有关妇女人权保障的立法与实践的问题做了半年的学术研究。由于可资利用的英文文献甚少 ,与有关人员做面对面的访谈 ,就成为收集材料的主要方式。我先后访谈 8次 ,接受访谈的人数有 1 2人 ,他们中有议会执政党成员、政府官员、心理治疗师、研究人员、女权主义者及警察。其中 ,对现任男女平等事务督察官米拉·克里斯丁的访谈 ,使我对“男女平等”这个当今绝大多数国家法律基本原则术语的法律含义 ,有了新的理解。2 0 0 2年 2月 2 8日上午 1 0点 ,我应邀与克里斯丁在她的办公室见面。她看上…     

Making Meaning of Megan's Law

This study of Megan's Law contrasts scholarly narratives that describe and analyze sexual predator laws with a case study of implementation in New Jersey. A critical feminist perspective shows that Megan's Law employs a radically underinclusive notion of sexual violence that conflicts sharply with feminist arguments about the cultural and institutional roots of sexual violence. The law excludes many of the most common offenders from reach of the law, thus deflecting attention away from assaults committed by family and friends in favor of reviving stereotypes about deviant strangers. The most significant effect of Megan's Law is not to expand the power of the punitive state but to advance a political and legal interpretation of rape that undermines the basis for and gains made by feminist rape law reforms of the 1970s.     

20世纪90年代以来中国公民资格权利的发展

从公民资格权利发展角度考察我国的社会转型有利于分析、解释国家面临的挑战和宏观发展轨迹。1990年代以来,在市场经济的发展、社会的分化和利益的多元化、社会公平问题、政府转型的大背景下,我国公民资格权利取得了一定进展:与市场经济建设相关的公民权利内容进一步发展,民主政治的实践使公民政治权利的形式和内容有所充实,社会权利的保护和发展尚处于探索当中。从宏观角度看,公民资格诸权利呈现出分化发展和相互推动的特点;国家主导制度构建与公民积极行使权利构成公民资格权利发展的双动力;户籍制度对权利的分等作用弱化,平等的公民资格权利的普遍化进程加速;程序性权利的设置与保障仍然不足,呈现出探索性特征。     

保障人权的重大意义

中国政府1991年的《中国的人权状况》白皮书提出:“人权是个伟大的名词”.人权保障具有重大意义,即人权保障是社会主义的崇高理想,是实现“为人民服务”宗旨的切实保障,是制定和实施社会主义法律的根本目的,是推进科学发展的出发点和最后归宿,是全人类的共同价值追求.     

Australian Aboriginal Property Rights as Issues of Indigenous Sovereignty and Citizenship

Aboriginal Australians have traditionally enjoyed little protection from the law. The matter of land has been at the heart of white settler/Aboriginal relations since the nation was first founded. It is only recently that recognition has been given to the land rights of Australian indigenous people. This recognition was finally made at the property law level in 1992 through the High Court decision in Mabo v. Queensland (n. 2) ([1992] 175 CLR 1). The 1993 High Court decision in The Wik Peoples v. Queensland ([1996] 71 ALJR 173) reinforced that recognition. It did so through the principle that pastoral lessees' and native title holders' rights might co-exist except that, in the event of any inconsistency, the pastoralists' rights were to prevail, provided pastoral activity was being pursued. The most recent legal change is the parliamentary revision of the Native Title Act so that the Wik co-existence principle was put to rest, mainly through permitting the State governments to upgrade pastoral holdings to a form of freehold, thus immunising them from native title claims, and minimising the payment of compensation. In this paper we argue that the country must consider what has been lost in this about-turn from the recognition of native title to land in Mabo . We argue that the nation must consider the emphases in the Mabo judgments upon the significance of international law and the need for the common law not to be locked into a racist past. From that point, we contend for the need to recognise not only native title to land but what lies beyond that: indigenous political and human rights.     

From Public Interest to Private Rights: Free Speech, Liberal Individualism, and the Making of Modern Tort Law

Drawing on John Witt's 2007 book , Patriots and Cosmopolitans: Hidden Histories of American Law, this essay explores the role of the interwar civil liberties movement in rehabilitating the discourse of rights and privatizing the American welfare state. In the years after World War I, most proponents of free speech were hostile to Lochner- era legalism and preferred to pursue civil liberties through legislative and regulatory measures as a means of advancing the public interest. By the onset of World War II, however, they had instead adopted a court-centered strategy that emphasized individual autonomy. The popular and political resonance of their new state-skeptical vocabulary suggests that post-New Deal liberalism in America was a hybrid of classical and Progressive approaches.