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英国伯明翰市的特殊教育的目的和功能,与我国的工读教育是基本相同的,旨在教育转化有不良行为和严重不良行为的青少年学生,预防青少年违法犯罪。虽然伯明翰特殊教育的诞生只有20多年的历史,却已经形成了一个较为完善的体系,由“工读学校”和散布全市的九个“学生行为帮扶中心”一起构成了预防肯少年违法犯罪的网络运作机制,起到了应有的积极作用。而我国的工读教育已经有50多年的历史,教育和挽救了数以万计的违法犯罪的青少年,但体系还不够完善,工读学校的运作遇到了重重困难。“他山之石,可以攻玉。”伯明翰的特殊教育对我国的工读教育有很大的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

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This study examines the limits of electoral engineering in a consolidating authoritarian regime by focusing on the case of the Imperiali highest averages method of proportional seat allocation in Russia's regional legislative elections. The Imperiali method strongly disadvantages the opposition. But, in the absence of political constraint or trends towards liberalisation, most of the regional decision makers still chose a more permissive formula. The trade-off among the incentives to solidify the power monopoly, to maintain the democratic façade of the regime and to co-opt the opposition was achieved by rejecting the least permissive electoral formula and choosing a middle-of-the-road solution instead.  相似文献   

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美欧军事干预利比亚对伊朗核问题将产生如下主要影响:伊朗在核问题上的立场将更加强硬;伊朗在核问题上所遭受的现行国际经济制裁的效力将减弱;美欧将更难对伊朗在核问题上施加新的有实际意义的压力。尽管如此,美欧将会在民主、人权问题上对伊朗施加更大压力,从而间接影响伊朗核问题。  相似文献   

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Abstract

Since Russia’s military intervention in Ukraine in 2014, the security situation of Europe’s eastern ‘frontline states’ has undergone significant changes. In and around the Black Sea, the Baltic Sea and the Barents Sea, the scope and scale of military activity has grown, as has the frequency of Russian–Western military encounters. Despite the many similarities between the three regions, and despite the increased risk of negative spillover from one region to another, there are also noteworthy regional differences. As of today, the security challenges appear to be more severe and pressing in the southern and central part of the ‘frontline’ than in the northern.  相似文献   

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Much governance literature deals with the limited capacity of the state and the market to govern core state welfare services such as education, scientific research and healthcare. Rather less attention has been focused on how the outcome of these services can be improved politically. An analysis of Niklas Luhmann's systems theory (Luhmann 1997a, 2000) leads to the hypothesis that self-governance, that is, a combination of professional autonomy and public peer-evaluation, is a superior strategy. Though this may seem counterintuitive at first glance, this paper shows that it corresponds to well-rooted principles of public administration and, in the sphere of education, to empirical findings on school choice and school effectiveness. This raises new perspectives for future comparative governance studies.  相似文献   

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