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1.
20世纪50-60年代,中国在与周边邻国谈判解决边界问题的过程中,提出了平等友好、互谅互让、和平协商解决边界争端的政策;70年代末,针对与周边邻国存在的海上边界和领土争端,中国政府又提出了以"主权归我、搁置争议、共同开发"为核心的解决海上边界争端的原则,从而使新中国边界政策进一步丰富和发展,并形成了自己的特点。  相似文献   

2.
《中国发展》2009,9(5):5-9
长三角地区地域相连,文化相近,经济相融,人缘相亲。改革开放以来,长三角已成为我国经济社会发展水平高、综合实力强、城镇体系较为完备的区域,具有区域联动发展的历史渊源和坚实基础,也将继续承担引领我国科学发展的任务。与此同时,长三角的发展也面临社会转型的阵痛、金融危机的压力、资源环境的约束等。促进长三角区域合作发展,对落实科学发展观,建设生态文明都具有十分重要的现实意义。该文在实地调研的基础上,分析了长三角区域合作所取得的成绩以及面临的困境,从国家战略和国际视角的高度,探寻促进长三角区域合作发展的有效政策。  相似文献   

3.
我国文化产业的蓬勃发展,在一定程度上得益于良好的税收政策环境。本文从阐述税收对文化产业的促进作用入手,对我国文化产业发展的税收政策环境现状及主要问题进行了分析,并提出了重构我国文化产业发展税收政策环境的建议:完善文化产业税收制度体系、优化文化产业税收优惠方式、扩大税收优惠政策的适用范围、减轻文化产业税收负担、完善文化产业中的差别税率政策、制定针对中小型文化企业的税收优惠政策、完善促进新兴高端文化产业发展的税收政策、运用税收政策激励和保护民族文化产业发展。  相似文献   

4.
前言当今世界正处于大发展大变革大调整时期,世界多极化、经济全球化、社会信息化、文化多样化深入发展,各国相互联系和依存日益加深。同时,国际形势中不稳定不确定因素增多,单边主义、保护主义、逆全球化思潮抬头。  相似文献   

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6.
对中国民族政策“反思”的反思   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
李富强 《桂海论丛》2009,25(6):37-40
2009年新疆“7·5”暴力事件发生后,国外一些媒体包括一些学者,对中国民族政策进行“反恩”。为避免谬种流传,文章对这些“反思”进行反思。认为,所谓“共产党创造民族”说,是无稽之谈。那种认为是中国民族政策把民族边界清晰化,提升了民族意识,酿成了民族分裂主义的恶果的观点也是错误的。中国民族关系结构的实质是多元一体格局。“中华民族”和56个民族的民族意识的分层次性和兼容性,民族意识并不一定等同于民族独立、民族分裂,但这种民族意识必须在中华民族认同意识的范畴之内,否则,就会滑入民族分裂主义的泥潭,给中华民族带来灾害。  相似文献   

7.
Philip Andrews-Speed   《当代中国》2009,18(61):591-616
This article develops an analytical framework for examining China's energy policy-making processes, and uses it to explain the recent shifts in the country's energy priorities. The authors analyze the decisive factors in China's energy sector reforms by looking at the different stages from agenda setting, through policy choices, to decision making and implementation. The article attempts to identify the actors behind, the drivers for, and the constraints to, the progress of energy sector reforms in China since 1993 and to follow the evolution of these drivers and constraints. This will allow a better understanding of the possible future trends of energy sector reform, the institutional limits to policy change and the constraints to implementation.  相似文献   

8.
怒江水电开发工程的起起落落,涉及到了公共政策的制定问题.通过分析,从中可以看到我国公共政策制定过程中所存在的问题,以及发生的变化和进步.  相似文献   

9.
Wu Xinbo 《当代中国》2001,10(27):293-301
Beijing's foreign policy behavior is constantly tested by a set of conflicting variables. China views itself as a major power and wants to play a role accordingly in the world arena, while it always lacks an adequate material basis to do so. The open-door policy requires China to be fully integrated into international society, while strong concern over sovereignty makes it difficult for Beijing to embrace some of the mainstream values. China believes in a set of principles in international affairs, while consideration of its national interests causes Beijing to make a pragmatic compromise from time to time. Beijing has long been accustomed to dealing with others in bilateral settings while the post-Cold War era is witnessing a rise of mulilateralism in international politics, which is bringing more and more pressure on China's traditional diplomacy. These variables will continue to constrain China's foreign policy behavior while their influence will decline as a result of rapid change with China both materially and conceptually.  相似文献   

10.
As a country with a massive population, China has long prioritized its grain self-suf-ficiency policy, which focuses on keeping the total amount of arable land reserves above the  相似文献   

11.
欧盟区域政策的制度基础与中国区域政策未来方向   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
张可云 《湖湘论坛》2010,23(3):59-65
欧盟一体化进程的加速,在某种程度上来说是由于其制定与实施了比较规范、完善的区域政策,较好地处理了内部成员国之间与区域之间存在的差距。从区域管理机构设置、区域政策作用对象以及区域政策基金工具三个方面分析欧盟东扩前的区域政策经验,对照欧盟经验分析中国区域政策的主要缺陷,就会发现,要完善中国区域政策,关键是要完善中国的区域管理制度基础,主要包括处理好"谁管"与"管谁"两个基本制度问题,并完善区域政策基金工具及政策实施与评价程序。  相似文献   

12.
A visit to China is in many ways a humbling and instructive experience. It has been a humbling experience because of the rapid economic progress that China has achieved in such a short span of time since its great leader Deng Xiaoping launched his policies of reform and opening up to the outside world in December 1978.  相似文献   

13.
中国区域政策研究与实践缺陷和未来方向   总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8  
张可云 《湖湘论坛》2009,22(3):44-47
从世界范围来看,区域政策从萌芽以来已有七、八十年的历史,发达国家已经形成了比较完善的区域政策制度基础,区域政策研究的基本框架也比较完善。但是,中国区域政策理论与实践都存在明显缺陷。在借鉴发达国家的区域政策实践经验的基础上,完善中国的区域政策研究体系和框架,并明确未来的区域政策研究与实践重点,具有十分重要的理论与现实意义。  相似文献   

14.
王天维 《桂海论丛》2009,25(4):58-61
优惠政策与政策优势经常在区域发展战略中出现,但优惠政策并不等于政策优势,优惠政策只是政策优势形成的一个条件.文章通过对优惠政策和政策优势内涵的分析,并利用我国经济特区的发展事例说明了优惠政策在政策优势形成中的效用,进而指出区域开发中政策优势形成的路径.  相似文献   

15.
在对四川多处水电站进行实地调研的基础上,该文提出水电资源富集地区往往与生态屏障核心区自然重合,多数又是民族地区,经济社会发展相对滞后,因水电开发导致的生态环境影响显著,存在着诸如地质灾害频发、生态脆弱,移民安置及可持续发展难度大矛盾多,资源开发与环境保护、地区发展的利益协调机制不健全等问题。为此,该文建议遵循保护优先的方针,在国家能源战略安全框架下科学制定水电资源开发规划,建立统一的流域水电开发管理机构和机制,提高环评标准,创新资源补偿机制和移民安置方式,强化责任终身追究制度。  相似文献   

16.
T HIS year marks the first centenary of the founding of the Communist Party of China(CPC).The achievements made by China during the last 100 years are the result of the efforts of several generations of Chinese people under the leadership of the CPC,which has tasked itself with the mission to seek happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation since its birth.  相似文献   

17.
该文在介绍主要国家低碳发展的基础上,指出中国必须立足于实际,基于自身发展阶段和特点,推进低碳经济和低碳发展。必须把目标锁定在“近”保经济增长、“远”调产业结构上,要在保证增长的同时逐步调整能源结构和经济结构,要依托技术支撑提高能源效率,稳步推进产业发展低碳化,健全低碳发展机制。  相似文献   

18.
Pascal Abb 《当代中国》2015,24(93):531-553
This article provides an overview of activities by Chinese foreign policy think tanks, with a particular focus on developments over the last decade. Covering a sample of prominent institutes, it provides up-to-date information about their academic, advisory and PR functions, and highlights major differences between individual institutes and organizational groups. In line with the findings, I argue that Chinese think tanks have undergone a remarkable increase and professionalization in their academic work, as well as made big strides in improving their footprint in the media. Finally, the article also considers new developments in networking organizations that have been particularly important in bringing experts together to pursue mutual interests, and how these relate to changes in Beijing's international agenda.  相似文献   

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20.
Chinese foreign policy behavior is constrained by different sets of contradictions, but at the same time these contradictions serve to inspire and focus Chinese foreign policy, both in negative and positive ways. As China transitions to a developed country that is fully integrated into regional and global economic, political and security regimes, these contradictions may become less salient, however. With the growth of China's comprehensive national power, the Chinese will come to view their country less as a poor nation and more as a great power and thus this dual-identity syndrome should diminish in importance as a factor constraining China's foreign policy behavior over time. The contradictory impetus behind Chinese foreign policy that derives from the desire to benefit from pursuit of 'open-door' policies and the compulsion to protect state sovereignty will similarly likely become less important as China's power grows, but only if there is mutually acceptable settlement to the Taiwan problem and Beijing's confidence in its ability to secure its territorial integrity is enhanced. A stronger, more confident China will also likely become more actively involved in regional and global issues on a pragmatic, rather than principled basis. Finally, while bilateral ties will remain important to Beijing, its participation in multilateral fora will no doubt increase, including in the security sphere, as it becomes more experienced and self-assured in multilateral interaction. Ultimately, bilateral and multilateralism may take on the role of parallel tracks in Chinese diplomacy with little tension between them.  相似文献   

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