The impact of reform on the party and ideology in China

In the People's Republic of China (PRC), the monolithic organization of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and its unchallenged official ideology, Mao Zedong Thought, used to be the two mighty pillars sustaining Communist rule during Mao's era. Since the late 1970s, however, these two pillars have been shattered by a series of post‐Mao economic and political reforms under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping. As the result of a drastic decline in the standing of the party leadership and its official ideology, the ruling methods and foundation of the current regime have also changed. How did the reforms significantly affect the party and the official ideology? How did the changes in the roles of the party and ideology, in turn, redefine the nature and ruling methods of the current Communist regime? What do these changes imply for the future of this regime and the course of ongoing political and economic modernization? These questions, which are crucial for our understanding of the nature of sociopolitical transition in China, will be addressed in this article.     

美国传媒控制的目的、方式和特点

舆论传媒在现代社会中的作用越来越重要,现代西方国家一直在探索宪政民主条件下的传媒控制。美国政府对传媒控制的主要目的是服务和服从于国家利益和国家安全,维护社会公共利益,营造有利于决策实施的氛围,操纵民意、影响选举。美国政府依据其传媒控制的目的,建构了控制传媒的体系,并形成了一系列控制传媒的特点。     

The Rise of China: media perception and implications for international politics

In recent years, the rise of China as an emerging great power has been widely perceived across the world. How has the rise of China been represented over time in the Western news media? Has the image of China as a rising power had any impact on the country's soft power? These questions remain unanswered but answering them is of great significance in helping us understand the impact of the news media on the transformation of international politics in the information age. This paper conducts a longitudinal study to examine the nature of Chinese coverage and explores how the image of a rising China—economically, politically, regionally and globally—has been represented in three transnational newspapers in Europe. It further argues that the Western media coverage of China's rise is as a soft power, which, to some extent, has an impact upon China's foreign relations.     

国际对华反倾销现状及对策

近年来 ,国际对华反倾销愈演愈烈 ,呈现出如下特点 :案件数量明显增多 ;提起指控的国家多 ;被指控的出口产品范围广 ;税率较高。反倾销严重影响了我国的对外贸易 ,在分析此种现状产生的原因的基础上 ,应运用法律武器 ,从各个方面作出积极反应。如加快企业的非国有化进程、调整政府与企业的关系、涉诉企业要积极应诉、建立自我保护机制等。     

我国人民陪审员制与美国陪审制度的比较研究

陪审制度,世界上最古老的司法制度之一,是公民直接参与司法活动的民主形式和公民权利的保障机制。它经过延绵千年的发展与成熟,仍然受到很多国家的青睐。从世界范围来看,陪审制度主要有两种形式:英美法系陪审团制和大陆法系参审制。我国现行的人民陪审员制从性质上讲隶属后者。陪审制度正式形成于英国,随殖民统治者移植到美国后,在美国个人主义文化基础上得到了迅速的生长。陪审制度在美国是一项宪法性制度,它的意义不仅体现在保持审判公正,防止司法专断上,更反映在它的“寓权于民”的政治统治思想中,美国人甚至称它为“将裁决权置于被统治者手中”的制度。笔者运用比较分析法将我国人民陪审员制和美国陪审制度进行比较研究,指出两种制度在历史发展基础、文化基础、形式以及保障措施方面的区别,期望以此对我国人民陪审员制的模式选择有所参考和借鉴。     

浅议西部大开发对中部地区的影响及其对策

实施西部大开发战略,加快中西部地区发展,是以江泽民同志为核心的党中央根据邓小平同志关于我国现代化建设“两个大局”的战略思想,根据国际国内形势的变化,审时度势,高瞻远瞩,统揽全局,面向21世纪作出的重大决策。西部大开发,中部怎么办?下面作一简要论述。一、加快中部地区的大发展是西部大开发战略的重要组成部分西部大开发是一项统揽全局,促进国民经济协调发展的大战略。江泽民同志指出,西部开发是全国发展的一个大战略、大思路,是我国下个世纪发展的一个重大战略问题。改革开放以来,沿海地区充分利用自身较好的经济基础、…     

China's consumer revolution: The 1990s and beyond

Since 1980 China's economic revolution has enabled more households to allocate labor to market‐related activities to earn more income. In 1992 an even greater surge in market economy growth took place when urban households began abandoning state‐related occupations and took their chances in the marketplace. The increase in consumer spending that followed reflects a new pattern of household spending for the first time in China since 1949: the share of spending for food relative to spending for other categories of goods and services is fast declining. This new trend, already strongly evident among high income‐earning households, is rapidly being replicated by other households as their incomes rise. During the 1990s new consumer patterns have emerged in the cities of the coastal provinces that strongly indicate that a consumer revolution is under way. This revolution has revived traditional gift‐giving between the Chinese people, thus facilitating the strengthening of their social, economic, and political ties and encouraging people to emphasize social and political stability.     

“天定齐家”:美国新教妇女来华传教的社会性别逻辑

美国新教在华传教运动持续一个多世纪,女传教士占了半壁江山,其海外奋斗似乎有违二战前的两性社会空间分隔观。"天定齐家"说揭示了新教妇女"齐家"与"天定使命"间的话语共谋,以及她们通过海外传教方式打破两性空间分隔的社会性别逻辑。女传教士们在海外参与公共事务,同时维持海外居家的美国文化标准,并以自我牺牲的宗教品性向美国教众展示"纯正女性风范"的海外延伸,实际上实现了社会身份的"双性同体"。     

Political sociology and contemporary China: State‐society images in American China studies

Images of ‘state and society’ have informed several generations of North American scholarship on China's communist polity. They express a concern for how power, authority, and influence are shaped by the interaction of party‐state efforts to control and mobilize the population with the responses, interests, and strategies of its citizens. While these images first came into focus in the 1960s, they reflect classical paradigms of political sociology and continue to focus research agendas into the 1990s. This article maps these images, highlighting some of their concerns and arguments.     

是否向囚犯提供安全套:美国的实践及对我国的启示

向囚犯提供安全套,不仅可以避免囚犯自身在狱内感染HIV,而且可以保护公众健康,因为大多数囚犯最终会被释放出狱,由此造成艾滋病从监狱向社会传播。回溯狱内提供安全套在美国的演进事实,并从法律、监管安全、公共卫生、经济资源四个角度对其影响因素进行论述,寄望域外经验能为我国监狱管理提供有价值的启示和借鉴。     

Partisanship,Ethnic Identification,and Citizen Attitudes toward Regime and Government on Taiwan

While Taiwan continues to enjoy a liberal, consolidated democratic regime, citizen discontent continues to be directed at regime, government, and the governing. Identifying the scope and degree of dissatisfaction is an initial step in ascertaining whether discontented citizens might be more or less amenable to destabilizing change at the regime level or more procedural changes at the government levels. Taiwan's 2004 elections topped off four years of mud slinging, legislative gridlock, and a number of serious battles over constitutional jurisdictions and powers. This research note compares survey items from the Taiwan Election and Democratization Study (TEDS) surveys taken in 2001 and 2003 to measure levels of support for a democratic regime and governance within this environment. As party and ethnic identification are key cleavages on Taiwan, this study seeks to establish the relative strengths of the association between partisan and ethnic identification and attitudes towards regime and government. The main findings are: (1) dissatisfaction with regime and governance are more strongly associated with partisan identification than ethnic identification; (2) there exists a surprisingly low satisfaction and commitment to democracy; and (3) alienation from government exists at a moderate level.     

The Real China,on Wheels

Excuse me, you can sit here,he said. The man had reasonable pronunciation and looked studious,     

美、德、日三国竞争法比较与启示－－兼论我国“入世”后竞争立法之重构

竞争法是市场经济基本法,本文从历史发展、现实状况和未来发展趋势三种视野分析比较了美、德、日三国竞争法的异同,并指出其对我国"入世"后竞争立法之重构的启示.     

美国人力资源战略的实施策略及对我国的启示

美国人力资源战略的成功实施使其在世界人才竞争中一直保持竞争优势,这与其选择合理的实施策略是分不开的。本文通过梳理美国国家层面人力资源战略的相关政策和措施,归纳了美国实施人力资源战略的主要策略选择,提出对我国实施人力资源战略实施的一些启示。     

The Latin Lineup Strengthening cooperation brings opportunities for China and Latin American countries

Distance is no longer a barrier to improving relations between countries. China and Latin American nations now have an opportunity to cooperate in a wider scope. Chinese President Xi Jinping’s recent trip to Latin America presented an ideal moment to enhance China’s relationships with countries in the region. Observers believe that this visit will create momen-tum for the development of China-Latin America relations.     

近代中国警察教育的职业化及其反思

对专业素质和技能的注重是职业化的基本表现。近代中国警察自始至终都体现出这种职业化倾向。其首要内容即警察教育的兴办与发达。从事警察职业需要具备多种素质与技能。故自清末至民国时期,警察教育机构的课程设置种类非常丰富。这种以警察学作为学科体系核心的设计对今日我国警察院校之学科建设有深刻的借鉴意义。     

以科学发展观为指导 加强和改进宣传思想工作

党的十六届三中全会指出:“坚持以人为本,树立全面、协调、可持续的发展观,促进经济社会和人的全面发展。”科学发展观是以胡锦涛为总书记的新一届党中央领导集体的重要执政指导思想。科学发展观的核心在于坚持以人为本。宣传思想工作说到底也是做人的工作,在强调人本理念这一点上,两者是相通的。在新的形势下,加强和改进宣传思想工作,必须坚持以科学发展观为指导,坚持以人为本。     

美国“重返亚洲”战略与中日钓鱼岛争端

中日钓鱼岛争端的升级与美国"重返亚洲"战略有着必然的联系:一方面,美国启动"重返亚洲"战略,有其多方面的战略指向,其中一个最主要的战略指向是凭借介入中日钓鱼岛争端,力图遏制中国崛起、驾驭日本,并以此控制亚洲事务主导权;另一方面,钓鱼岛撞船、购岛、申遗等一系列事件,均表明日本在钓鱼岛问题上已经拒绝与中国进行外交谈判,转而企图通过加强美日军事合作、增强海上保安厅力量和自卫队海空机动作战能力,以武力和强权达到侵占钓鱼岛的目的。对此,中国应强化对钓鱼岛的主权,逐步通过共同开发、提交东海外大陆架划界案、规范渔业开发等步骤,实现对钓鱼岛的渐进式实际控制。     

Re-interpreting China's Non-intervention Policy towards Myanmar: leverage,interest and intervention

China's non-intervention policy has long been criticized for prolonging the rule of many authoritarian regimes. Myanmar has become one of the classic examples. As China is expected to become a responsible great power, her behavioral patterns have aroused many concerns. This paper aims to re-interpret China's non-intervention policy. While explaining various constraints on China's capability to intervene in the Myanmar government, it shows how China is making efforts to seek a new intervention policy in dealing with countries like Myanmar. It argues that China's insistence on a non-intervention policy does not mean that China does not want to influence other countries such as Myanmar. To assess Chinese leverage and its non-intervention policy toward Myanmar as well as to supplement the current limited academic discussion on Sino–Myanmar relations, in this paper we first examine Chinese leverage in Myanmar through Burmese local politics, such as the power struggle between the central government and local rebel governments. Second, we disaggregate the Chinese interests in Myanmar into different levels (regional, geo-strategic and international) and discuss how these interests affect China's non-intervention policy. Third, we argue that China has indeed tried to intervene in Myanmar politics, but in a softer manner that contrasts with the traditional Western hard interventions, such as economic sanctions and military interference.