美国中东战略和中亚战略的调整

<正>从奥巴马上台以来的战略调整来看,美国的适应能力非常强,从布什奉行的单边主义、穷兵黩武政策转向奥巴马的思路,转轨很快,而且有理论上的铺垫。总体来看,这一转变有三个特点:第一,改变摊子铺得太大的局面,适当     

美国中亚战略面面观

中亚地区"颜色革命"的尘埃尚未落定,要求美国撤军的呼声又起,美国防部长拉姆斯菲尔德今年两度前往中亚,引起了国际社会的普遍关注,中亚地区在相当长的一段时期内难以平静下来;美国的霸权已经进入中亚,在可预见的未来不仅不会轻易退出,反而将成为该地区一个十分重要的角色,这是由美国的中亚战略所决定的.     

浅析地区主义

随着全球主义观念的日益深入，国家主义遭受挑战是一个事实。在民族国家时代里，国家主义是人们观察世界的重要方法，国家谋求均势的本性促成了不同程度的地区联合，最终汇成了地区主义的洪流。地区主义是全球主义和国家主义联合起来谋求共同发展，使得地区主义具有了存在和发展的基础，地区主义在实践意义上成为联结国家主义和全球主义的桥梁。     

“多极化”和地区主义问题

当前国际体系正经历着大转换的过程,和平已经当之无愧地成为国际关系的主题,战争和危机则为大家所弃取。但是也应看到,时代的转折会带来种种阵痛和动荡,导致国际关系的局部失衡。因此,有必要从大战略的高度观察和把握新的动向。这里应解释一下本文为什么把"多极化"和地区主义问题放在一起来谈,并期望引起加倍的警惕和重视。首先,这是海湾危机所导致的逻辑结果。在这场危机中,伊拉克表现了地区主义的政治     

全球主义进程的危机和美国经济单边主义

2003年7月10日,“聚焦全球南方”网刊登了沃尔登·贝洛(walden Bello)题为《全球主义进程的危机和乔治·布什新的经济政策》的文章,回顾了20世纪80年代以来的全球化进程所遭受的三次大的危机,并指出美国面对当前世界进入长波危机的萧条阶段以及自身实力不济的情况,不得不采取单边主义政策以保护本国利益,这损害了发展中国家的利益,甚至开始损害发达国家的利益,因此全球主义将被迫中断,美国将受到全球的反抗和孤立。文章主要内容如下。     

全球化与地区主义

本大试图对主权国家语境下的全球化和地区主义之间的关系进行初步探讨。在全球化的语境下,选择地区主义是民族国家利用或对抗全球化的重要政策手段。全球化与地区主义之间在逻辑和实践上并不必然是对立或互逆的。目前看来,它们间更主要的还是相互推动、共同演进的关系。     

国际法领域的美国例外主义

美国例外主义的外交传统在其国际法实践中也有多种表现,在国际人权、环境、贸易、反恐、军控等领域突出地表现为以单边主义为主要特征的行为。国际组织作为国际社会和谐关系的主要协调者,应从自身的立法、决策、实施、争端解决等方面进行改革以应对美国的例外主义行为,同时还应积极主动地与非政府组织、全球市民社会合作建立全球治理的模式,以更好地以多边途径解决国际问题。     

美国自由主义思想的演变

在当今世界,伴随着国家的超级实力,美国自由主义作为一种意识形态也有着广泛的影响力。人们往往把强大国家的发展动力与它的文化和思想等软环境联系起来,以为是这种文化和思想形态促成或至少适应了这种发展。但是,美国自由主义并不是铁板一块,它在文化起源、社会基础和历史演变上都有不可忽略的复杂性。本文借助西方学者的研究成果,将美国自由主义思想的演变过程及当今特点作一大致勾勒,为读者了解美国社会的意识形态提供一些线索。     

试析唐代中亚地区的赋税问题

讨论唐代中亚地区的赋税问题,需综合考量各方面因素。政治与法律层面,都护府是唐在中亚最高军事、行政机关,羁縻府州制是行政管理制度,羁縻州隶属边州都督、都护,归属于唐。少数民族赋税之制,出现在唐代律令及其他法律渊源当中。经济管理层面,原则上只向中亚各国商贾征收贡赋供安西四镇行政和军饷开支以确保商路畅通,但据相关文献记载,也有过其他赋税之事。总体来说,出于怀柔远人,义在羁縻的边疆民族治理策略,在制定赋税政策时,唐代统治者往往给予边疆民族地区一定幅度的税收优惠。本文意在通过简要梳理大唐在中亚采取的税收策略,阐述唐朝统治者因地制宜的赋税理念,从而对当今我国税收助力一带一路的思想和制度渊源做一次试探。     

美国在中亚实施的独立媒体项目

独立媒体项目是美国对中亚国家实施民主改造的重要手段和工具。美国的主要做法是:打造适宜媒体生存和发展的法律环境,提升独立媒体的职业技能和专业技术能力,向独立媒体提供物质支持,利用媒体可发展指数等"政治标准"打压中亚国家。独立媒体项目是美国左右和影响对象国政局发展的有力工具,对中亚产生了复杂、深远的影响。     

Economic and Security Regionalism among Patrimonial Authoritarian Regimes: The Case of Central Asia

The ‘new regionalism’ has spread to Central Asia; yet there has been little success in implementing most regional initiatives there. Security regionalism has had greater success than economic regionalism, even though economic initiatives would bring great benefits to the economy and population. I propose a connection between patrimonialism and regionalism. Central Asia's patrimonial leaders are driven by survival and personal enrichment, and are beholden to informal vested interests. Since economic regionalism involves liberalisation that adversely affects these actors, the result is ‘virtual’ economic regionalism at best. In the case of security regionalism, some regional organisations progress because they bolster patrimonial regimes, with negative consequences for democracy.     

The Asian Development Bank and Developmental Regionalism in East Asia

The Asian Development Bank (adb) has made increasingly important contributions to Asia's (and particularly East Asia's) regionalism over recent years, and especially since Haruhiko Kuroda became the Bank's president in February 2005. This paper argues that the adb's role here has become more significant because of the strong ‘developmental’ characteristics of East Asia's new regionalism. This is not least because, as a regional development bank, the adb has a predilection for linking development, regionalism and capacity-building together when promoting regional co-operation and integration (rci) in Asia. We may refer to this as ‘developmental regionalism’, where rci activities are particularly orientated to enhancing the economic capacity and prospects of less developed countries with the view of strengthening their integration into the regional economy, and thereby bringing greater coherence to regional community building overall. This analysis is partly based on field research undertaken by the author involving a series of research interviews conducted amongst adb officials and with outside analysts of the organisation. It first examines the evolution of the Bank's stance and policies on rci, and the impact made by President Kuroda and the newly formed Office of Regional Integration (orei) in this regard. The main developments of East Asia's new regionalism are then outlined from finance and trade perspectives. Thereafter, an evaluation is made of the adb's contributions toward the emerging developmental regionalism in East Asia.     

Evaluating US soft power in Asia: military,economic and sociopolitical relationships between Asia and the United States

The changing dynamics of international politics such as the expansion of the European Union, the growing importance of Asia, and the post-11 September environment have raised great concern about US soft power all over the world. At the governmental level, transpacific relationships may have encouraged military, economic and sociopolitical collaboration. The Asians' perceptions about US soft power at the individual level, however, may not be consistent with the governmental level. By using the 2003 AsiaBarometer survey, this article examines the factors that contribute to individuals' perceptions about US soft power in seven Asian nations – China, India, Japan, Malaysia, South Korea, Sri Lanka and Thailand. Three main factors – military, economic and sociopolitical – are considered. Higher assistance by the US government engenders positive responses from the respondents. For causal relationships, economic and sociopolitical variables, rather than the military variable, enforce individuals' positive perceptions about US soft power, according to the multilevel estimates.     

The Failure of Presidentialism in Central Asia

Institutional design can impact the dynamics of power relations in Central Asian states. Majoritarianism and the rigidity of the fixed terms of presidential systems are amplified by the personalist regimes of Central Asia, often leading to instability. A parliamentary system may reduce the political repression of these regimes by decreasing the stakes in each particular election. It may also increase stability due to the higher flexibility of the system. The effectiveness of the parliamentary system, however, depends largely on the existence of strong cohesive parties.     

"卡特里娜"过后看美国

8月25日以来,一场罕见的飓风"卡特里娜"袭击了美国东南部沿海地区,所过之处房屋倒塌、工厂损毁、人员伤亡.尤其是29日之后,飓风登陆路易斯安那州,直击文化名城新奥尔良市,致使其周边堤坝溃决,全城80%的地域遭到灭顶之灾.截至目前,官方统计的风灾死亡人数已达883人,数十万人流离失所,直接经济损失高达1000亿美元以上,灾区最终重建费用可能需要3000亿美元."卡特里娜"风灾无疑将成为美国历史上损失最为惨重的自然灾害之一.除此之外,数万灾民被困于新奥尔良洪区达一周之久,他们呼天不应、叫地不灵的惨状和灾区一度秩序崩溃、犯罪横行的乱象更令已经历过"9·11"事件的美国民众震惊不已.