“主客二元对立”思维模式与全球生态危机的逻辑关联

"主客二元对立"主客二元对立"思维模式是一种强调主客绝对对立之"外在关系"的分析性思维,也是一种强调主客体外在关系之"绝对对立"的机械论思维,还是一种坚持"人类中心主义"之价值取向的排它性思维,它的这些思维属性特征及其侧重点导向了人对自然的无情破坏。"主客二元对立"思维模式对文明、人性、制度、科技等因素进行了全面渗透,催生了"反自然"的现代文明、"破坏自然"的现代人性和社会制度以及"反生态"的现代科技,它们之间的综合作用必然导致全球生态危机的爆发。在思维路径的选择上,全球生态危机的有效缓解应突破"主客二元对立"思维模式之不足而谋求与"天人合一"思维模式之长处的辨证而有机地结合起来。     

思维方式的演进与公共事务治理方式的变革

思维方式的演进是推动公共事务治理方式变革的内在动因。古希腊时期形成的客体—客体的思维方式,带来了主要依靠智慧的城邦式民主、自由的治理方式;中世纪的客体—主体的思维方式,伴随的是主要依靠信仰的封建专制的治理方式;近代以来形成的主体—客体的思维方式,形成了过度依赖科技理性的官僚制的治理方式;当代的主体—主体的思维方式,催生了以人文理性为核心的协商互动的治理方式。这种新的治理方式力图在政治与行政之间架起一座桥梁,以改变政治与行政分离导致的政府价值取向的迷失;力图在政府、市场和社会之间建立起平等互动的关系,以实现社会的公平和正义。我国公共事务管理中,主体—客体思维方式仍然居于主导地位。必须加快思维方式的转变,在主体—主体思维方式所昭示的理念下,探讨适合我国特点的公共事务治理模式。     

文化整合视角下的信访治理

信访问题是当前我国最为突出的社会问题之一。对信访改革的思考应避免陷入"人治"与"法治"、"传统"与"现代"二元对立的思维模式之中,否则信访治理的方案就难以达成广泛共识。未来信访治理的方案:在宪政理念上按照坚持党的领导、人民民主与依法治国三者有机统一的原则来调整现行的信访整体格局;在制度上全面创新,形成党统筹信访全局,人大、政府、司法机关各司其职、分工协作,社会广泛参与的信访新格局。     

公共事务治理与社团主义模式

解决公共事务的治理危机需要一种合作机制的创新,社团主义理论强调建构一种有合作特征的社会结构,因而对于公共事务治理模式的创新具有借鉴意义。对于中国的现实情况而言,一种可供选择的有效途径是在社团主义所型构的社会结构中合作性地处理公共事务。     

公共服务合同外包视域下的公私契约治理探究北大核心

当前各地正在积极推进政府购买服务改革,公共服务合同外包作为政府购买服务的重要机制,是以公私合作为基础且以契约合同管理为核心的公共服务方式,这将打破原来政府垄断的服务供给模式,推动政府履行公共服务职能从"权力治理"逐步走向"契约治理"。新的契约治理路径要求政府部门必须改变传统垂直等级化的公共行政结构,积极适应公私部门间互利合作与平等协商的契约治理模式,而这迫切需要政府部门有效培养和提升公私契约治理能力。     

理解治理多样性：一种国家治理的新科学

现代社会及其公共事务的复杂性对治理构成了严峻的挑战。为了应对公共事务的复杂性、多规模性、嵌套性和动态性,很多研究者提出了不同的治理理论,并且都试图寻找“治理万能药”,以一种治理方式适用所有情景。然而人类要真正解决所面临的公共事务治理难题,就需要实现“认识论哲学”的转型,以“多样性”的思维范式取代“单一性”思维范式,按照“治理多样性”的新范式来重构治理体制“。治理多样性”分析范式是一种治理的新科学,其分析框架主要包括“行动者、机制、物品属性、结构和绩效”等要素,核心是公共事务与治理系统的有效匹配,实现基于“多行动者——多机制——多属性——多结构——多目标”的治理,多样性是其内在逻辑。治理本身是一个复杂演进和相互调适的过程“。治理多样性”要应用于治理实践,就需要发展出“诊断、设计和学习模型”。     

公共服务合同外包视域下的公私契约治理探究

当前各地正在积极推进政府购买服务改革,公共服务合同外包作为政府购买服务的重要机制,是以公私合作为基础且以契约合同管理为核心的公共服务方式,这将打破原来政府垄断的服务供给模式,推动政府履行公共服务职能从"权力治理"逐步走向"契约治理"。新的契约治理路径要求政府部门必须改变传统垂直等级化的公共行政结构,积极适应公私部门间互利合作与平等协商的契约治理模式,而这迫切需要政府部门有效培养和提升公私契约治理能力。     

区域地方政府跨界公共事务整体性治理模式研究:以京津冀都市圈为例

随着区域一体化的推进,我国区域地方政府在跨界公共事务协作方面遇到了诸多问题,这些问题影响了区域政策的实际执行力。通过对改革开放以来京津冀都市圈地方政府跨界公共事务协作进程及其运转机制的分析与评估,发现其虽在跨界公共事务整体性协作方面进行了一些初步探索,但区域治理中的"碎片化"状况仍未得到有效缓解。因此,必须构建京津冀都市圈跨界公共事务整体性治理模式,以推进区域内地方政府的有效协作。运用整体性治理理论,推进都市圈内各个地方政府自身行政管理体系的整合,构建跨区域整体性合作组织以及在此基础上形成的整体性协作治理网络是区域地方政府跨界公共事务治理的一种有益尝试。     

老年人村庄公共事务参与的个案分析

在湖北省严家村,老年人的村庄公共事务参与处于村庄常住人口显性老龄化与精英外流相互交织、村庄共同体衰落与家庭共同体相对稳固二元悖反、村庄治理资源精英控制与老年人参与空间拓展同时并存等现实观照之中。以广泛性参与、自主性参与、实质性参与、合作性参与为考量维度,严家村的老年人村庄公共事务参与具有差异性、间接性、边缘性、无组织性等群体性特征。优化老年人村庄公共事务的参与,既要培养老年人精英,挖掘老年人自身潜能,优化村庄公共事务的参与结构;亦要大力培育老年人组织,厚实村庄公共事务的参与底蕴。     

地方政府间跨域治理碎片化:问题、根源与解决路径

地方政府间跨域治理碎片化不但无法适应跨域公共事务治理要求,而且增加跨域公共事务治理成本、降低跨域公共事务治理绩效,同时也是引发跨域公共问题发生的重要因素。行政区行政、地方利益之争以及地方官员理念的碎片化都是造成地方政府间跨域治理碎片化产生的重要根源,导致跨域治理中地方主义、各自为战、分割管理、服务裂解等弊端。整体性治理正是针对政府管理实践中日益严重的碎片化问题而提出的一种新型治理模式,因而从价值导向、组织机构、制度体系、协调机制等方面构建跨域整体性治理模式就成为解决地方政府间跨域治理碎片化的有效路径。     

Prospects for future Australian‐United States defence cooperation

Singapore’s governing elite is less bureaucratic and less separated from private interests than commonly thought. The bureaucracy has little independent strength and the political leadership is entwined with leading members of the business community, particularly the financial sector, to the point that the line between public and private is frequently indistinct. Given that democratic or interest-group constraints are minimal, transparency low and the rule of law in doubt, why Singapore’s activist economic policies have not decayed into a search for private rewards is rather puzzling. This article argues that Singapore’s record of sound government rests on informal governing institutions as well as attributes of the formal government sector. The informal institutions encompass nominally public and private actors in a systematized way, structuring the incorporation of private actors to embed the values of performance-based merit and working with, not against, government. The system of government is, however, fragile and may be showing signs of decay.     

Sliding doors in Brussels: A career path analysis of EU affairs managers

This article investigates the revolving doors phenomenon in the European Union (EU). It proposes a management approach that treats this phenomenon as a form of corporate political activity through which companies try to gain access to decision makers. By using sequence analysis to examine the career paths of almost 300 EU affairs managers based in public and private companies across 26 countries, three different ideal‐typical managers are identified: those EU affairs managers coming from EU institutions and public affairs; those who make a career through the private sector; and those who establish themselves in national political institutions. This identification confirms that EU institutions need different types of information and companies need EU affairs managers with different professional backgrounds able to provide it. Rather than observing a revolving door of EU officials into EU government affairs, what the authors term ‘sliding doors’ – namely the separation of careers, especially between the public and private sectors – is discerned.     

Public affairs: an American perspective

This paper explores the development and broadening scope of public affairs practice within the United States of America and charts the factors that have influenced its current development. To understand the scope of how public affairs has developed in the United States, it is necessary to examine the historical evolution of the function in the USA and the early 20th century influence of the US government on defining and regulating its definition of public relations and public affairs, which resulted in the still‐in‐effect Gillett Amendment. Since then, public affairs has expanded into the private as well as the public sectors as corporations and organisations recognise the need to gain public trust for their ventures. In the US today, public affairs practitioners perform duties that range from issues management to environmental scanning to legislative affairs. Copyright © 2001 Henry Stewart Publications     

The relationship management function of public affairs officers in Chile: Identifying opportunities and challenges in an emergent market

Research on the public affairs profession in both South and Latin America is one of the leading limitations today in international public relations research. This study helps to lessen such a gap by offering more realistic insight into the ideologies and pressures that govern public affairs practice in Chile. In‐depth interviews were conducted with 15 experts who are current senior‐level public affairs practitioners in the Chilean capital of Santiago. Results offer three key insights: First, the core function of public affairs in Chile surrounds behaviors of lobbying and governmental relations. Second, leveraging cohesion between organizational private interest and the public interest is a key to leveraging pressure on elected officials and governmental agencies. Lastly, there is significant concern regarding public trust in the lack of transparency in the Chilean public affairs field, facilitated by insufficient governmental regulation. Such research offers practical and grounded insights for public affairs and public relations scholarship.     

Hybrid annuity model: Hamming risk allocations in Indian highway public–private partnerships

A new public–private partnership (PPP) model, that is, hybrid annuity model (HAM) was introduced in 2016, to revive investments in the Indian highway infrastructure and to remedy the troubled relationship between the public and private sectors. This model marked a significant policy departure in the management of long‐ and short‐term public interest, which is inherent to public utilities and service delivery. Through a dispassionate lens, this paper critically examines the extent to which HAM has fulfilled its stated objectives. The analysis of project award data provides mixed empirical evidence of HAM's early success. As a positive policy imperative, HAM has been able to attract private participation in highway infrastructure by readjustment of risk allocations, and hence, it is a welcome step forward in improving public affairs. Worryingly though, HAM also brought about extensive de‐risking of the private sector, with evidence of rendering risk retention, that is, “skin‐in‐the‐game” by the less significant private infrastructure investors, and thereby adversely impacting development priorities. We find that HAM has taken the reengagement of private sector two steps back in management of PPP affairs. Recognizing that a true performance assessment is unlikely at this early stage of HAM introduction, the paper adopts a more analytical stance in identifying possible pitfalls based upon the telltale signs presented by project bidding and award data. This study offers fresh insight and course correction on the role of government and other stakeholders in this newly introduced PPP template.     

No Sex Scandals Please,We’re French: French Attitudes towards Politicians’ Public and Private Conduct

The notion of distinct ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres underpins much normative and practical engagement with political misconduct. What is less clear is whether citizens draw distinctions between misdemeanours in the ‘public’ and ‘private’ spheres, and whether they judge these in systematically different ways. This paper explores attitudes to political misconduct in France. French citizens are often said to be particularly relaxed about politicians’ private affairs, but there has been little empirical evidence for this proposition. Drawing on original survey data, this paper demonstrates clearly that French citizens draw a sharp distinction between politicians’ public and private transgressions, and are more tolerant of the latter.     

浅谈新农村建设背景下如何做好乡镇基层党务公开工作

党务公开,就是指党的工作和活动,在条件许可的情况下,具有或应该具有公开性,而不再具有或不应该具有秘密性。近年来,随着我国民主的不断发展,党务公开思想已逐步为各级领导接受和重视,各地也相继进行了一些有益探索,但总体而言,实行党务公开时间还不长,如何加以规范和实施科学引导,成为推进乡镇基层党务公开必须着力解决的一个热点。     

Privatization of public-sector services in theory and practice

The last ten years have seen a marked increase in the analysis and implementation of private-sector alternatives to the production of public-sector services. The impetus for privatization has two sources: (1) opposition to further growth of the public sector, and (2) the belief that the private sector would be a more efficient producer. Yet as privatization moves beyond the acquisition of intermediate goods and services (payroll processing and housekeeping services, for example) to more complex public outputs (such as education, social security, public safety, the postal system, for example), it is subject to increasing challenge on both efficiency and equity grounds. Nonetheless, private alternatives to public production are finding increased acceptance.     

The dynamics of issue competence and vote for parties in and out of power: An analysis of valence in Britain, 1979–1997

This article develops the reward‐punishment issue model of voting using a newly collated aggregate measure of issue competence in Britain between 1971 and 1997, revealing systematic differences between governing and opposition parties in the way citizens' evaluations of party competence are related to vote intention. Using monthly Gallup ‘best party to handle the most important problem’ and vote intention data, time series Granger‐causation tests give support to a classic issue reward‐punishment model for incumbents. However, for opposition parties this reward‐punishment model does not hold: macro‐issue competence evaluations are Granger‐caused by changes in vote choice or governing party competence. An explanation is offered based upon the differentiating role of policy performance and informational asymmetries, and the implications are considered for comparative studies of voting, public opinion and for political party competition.     

梁启超对中国传统"私德"的批判与继承

“公德”和“私德”及其相互关系是梁启超道德哲学的主要内容。在进行道德革命时,他用资产阶级的“公德”批判中国传统道德的“私德”;在进行道德建设时,则用中国传统道德的“私德”去补充资产阶级的“公德”。梁启超从“公德”到“私德”的转化,是从道德革命到道德建设的深化,是思想上的前进,不是思想上的倒退。