国际法律程序中法官和仲裁员因素 ——以中菲南海争端仲裁案为例

国际法律程序包含了司法程序和仲裁程序。在上述程序中，国际司法程序中的法官和国际仲裁程序中的仲裁员的个人因素都或多或少会在法律活动中产生一定影响。国际司法程序的法官具有独立性，需宣誓只效忠法院或法庭，但其独立性是相对的，选举阶段的政治因素以及当选后法官的国籍、思想、观念都会影响他/她对案件的处理；国际仲裁程序的仲裁员的独立性较之国际法院和国际海洋法法庭等国际司法机构的法官更显不足，争端当事方指定的仲裁员往往代表其利益，维护其立场。在国际法律程序中，法官和仲裁员会在程序规则的制定、传唤证人或专家及视察涉案地点、收受证据、查明事实和法律、对判决结果发表个别意见和反对意见等诸多法律环节拥有一定权利并发挥一定作用。了解和掌握上述法律程序以及法官和仲裁员的个人作用，对于中国已卷入的菲律宾发起的强制仲裁案件以及未来的潜在案件会有所帮助。在中国暂未参与仲裁程序，而且放弃指派仲裁员的情况下，对仲裁员因素的研究有利于监督和避免不利于中国的人为因素的影响，同时一旦中国在未来以某种形式参与到仲裁程序时，需在规则范围内去发挥和制造有利于中国的人为因素的影响。     

Electronically-Mediated Dispute Resolution and E-Commerce

Although the volume of internet commerce continues to increase, some consumers hesitate to conduct business transactions on the internet because of concerns about the trustworthiness of on-line merchants. The presence of readily available, on-line dispute resolution services can send a reassuring signal to consumers that allays their fears and encourages them to do business on-line. However, on-line dispute resolution systems designed to address disputes arising from e-commerce transactions rely on a communication medium that is impoverished, which can lead to lower trust in the process, and to the escalation of negative emotion and negative attributions about the other participants in the dispute resolution process, making successful resolution of the dispute more difficult. A mediator or arbitrator in an on-line setting who is aware of these potential problems can try to avert them by engaging in simple rapport-building procedures. However, facilitating acceptance of on-line dispute resolution decisions may be more difficult than in a traditional face-to-face environment because of the absence of cues that communicate the trustworthiness and neutrality of the third party, as well as acknowledgment of the societal standing of the disputant.     

On evaluating mediators

Conclusion Evaluating mediators is a complex process, but not an impossible one. While no single solution is likely to be found, a set of options is emerging. Any new refinement, admittedly, brings with it new difficulties, and the options laid out here are themselves complex to administer. An adroit program management may be able to put together relatively quickly a workable, efficient, and fair approach to evaluation that is tailored to its own circumstances. But most likely, the process of developing evaluation tools will require sustained effort, justified partly by recognition that only trial and error will eventually produce a result keyed to the program's, the parties', and the mediators' diverse needs.Nevertheless, it should be apparent that avoidance of the problems is no longer an acceptable strategy. In an era when rational standards for judging the elements of mediators' effectiveness are becoming more refined, and when mediation itself is becoming an increasingly common option for resolving all kinds of disputes, retaining public confidence in any program will demand that the program devote time and effort to evaluating and strengthening its most important resources. Christopher Honeyman has played a variety of dispute resolution roles including mediator, arbitrator, and administrative law judge in cases involving labor and environmental issues, for the State of Wisconsin Employment Relations Commission (P.O. Box 7870, Madison, Wis. 53707-7870) and for other programs.An earlier version of this article was presented under the title Problems in Evaluating Mediators, at the North American Conference on Peacemaking and Conflict Resolution, Montreal, Quebec, March, 1989.Christina Sickles Merchant, Byron Yaffe, Stephen Goldberg, Jeanne Brett and Martha Askins offered detailed and helpful critiques of earlier drafts of this work. I am particularly grateful to the mediators of Maine's Court Mediation Service and to its directors, Jane Orbeton and the late Lincoln Clark, for their willingness to take the risks of applying an untried theory and their help in developing it. And once again, my colleagues at the Wisconsin Employment Relations Commission provided numerous and significant comments and criticisms which have corrected my thinking on a number of points. However, the opinions expressed here are the author's, and do not necessarily reflect the policy of the WERC.     

泰国宪政体制多元化的进程、动力与前景

宪政体制变革的动力，源于新旧利益集团在政治博弈中对权力边界的制度化诉求。20世纪90年代以来，随着军人集团的没落，以及城市中产阶级与新资本集团的相继兴起，泰国宪政体制在各派利益集团的持续冲突与妥协中不断重构。通过完善公民政治权利、提高地方自治、加强立法权与行政权制衡、创设独立监督体系等制度建设，泰国的宪政架构开始从一元转向多元。尽管从短期来看，由于宪政体制与权力结构的错位，各派利益集团将围绕修宪议题展开针锋相对的政治博弈，从而引发社会分裂与政治动荡，但从中长期来看，随着政治权力结构日趋多极化，泰国宪政体制将在“权力制衡”的多元化道路上继续前行，进而为社会经济发展提供平稳有序的政治环境。     

The Internet and Its Potentials for Networking and Identity Seeking: A Study on ISIS

ABSTRACT

With the accelerating process of globalization and the development of its technological dimension, more and more opportunities and channels are available to the terrorist groups in the world to mobilize resources and advocates. “Islamic State of Iraq and Sham” (ISIS), as the most modern terrorist-excommunicative group (Takfiry), has been able to utilize the Internet and social networks highly adeptly. While ignoring the function of long-term structural and essential factors underlying the formation of ISIS, and also combining the networked society theory and triple forms of identities proposed by Manuel Castells with theoretical discussions on identity making, networking, and mobilization of media, the current article seeks to analyze the role of cyberspace and social networks as accelerating and opportunistic agents in mobilizing resources and disseminating ISIS. Using an explanatory analytical research method, the current article mainly intends to find a reply to the question: What has been the role of online social networks in connection with ISIS as an excommunicative and terrorist group? According to the research hypothesis, due to ISIS’s subtle, prevocational-emotional and targeted utilization of online social networks, the networks have played the role of an accelerator and opportunity maker in some areas including network building, guidance of public opinion, identity making, and the promotion of project identity of this terrorist group. The general conclusion obtained from the article is that ISIS, as the most terrifying and the most modern group equipped with cyber media, has been able to attract many forces out of fanatical religious groups, unemployed people, criminals, etc., worldwide. Additionally, with the recruitment of fanatics, ISIS has been able to accomplish identity making and network building. As a result, regional security and even security in Western countries is also highly endangered.     

苏联战俘事务管理机构沿革(1939～1956)

二战期间,苏联俘获大量战俘,战俘的接收、安置、医疗服务、物资供给、劳动、政治教育和遣返等各方面事务均由苏联内务人民委员会战俘和被拘留人员事务管理总局负责。随着战场形势、战俘数量及战俘政策的变化,管理机构的名称、任务、职能、结构和规模均在发生变化。进入上世纪50年代,多数战俘已被遣返,管理局最终于1953年4月20日被撤销,其职能移交给了监狱管理局。在整个关押期间管理局较为重视战俘事务,在苏联国内经济状况好转的同时,战俘的关押条件也在逐渐改善,战俘发病率和死亡率逐年降低,劳动效率不断提高。     

Public resistance to privatisation in water and energy

Since the 1990s, development agencies and international institutions have promoted private-sector involvement in infrastructure, assuming that this would inject both investment and efficiency into the under-performing public sector. In the water and energy sectors, these expectations have not been fulfilled. Private-sector investment in developing countries is falling, multinational companies have failed to make sustainable returns on their investments, and the process of privatisation in water and energy has proved widely unpopular and encountered strong political opposition. This paper examines the role of this opposition in delaying, cancelling, or reversing the privatisation of water and energy. Local civil society has successfully mobilised highly effective political activity, its opposition being based on the perceived conflicts between privatisation and equity, and over the role of the state and community in these sectors. Such opposition has involved dynamic interactions with existing political parties and structures, including the use of existing electoral and judicial mechanisms. Its success poses challenges for the multilateral and donor community, NGOs, the opposition campaigns themselves, and the future of national systems of electricity and water.     

EU-China relations and the limits of economic diplomacy

This paper addresses a key problem in EU-China economic relations: the capacity of the EU to exert leverage through its economic diplomacy in the context of key economic trends, policy dilemmas, and processes of governance. The paper begins by identifying key elements of the EU’s economic diplomacy and their relationship to key functions: deliberation, representation, communication, and negotiation. It continues by reviewing key trends and challenges in EU-China economic relations, in terms of trade, finance/investment, and broader issues of economic performance, with special reference to the problems emanating from the current economic turbulence both in the EU and in the broader global political economy. It then identifies a number of key policy dilemmas for the EU in areas such as trade defense/trade promotion, environment/development, security/commercial priorities, investment/sovereignty, and explores these in terms of three key concepts: orientation, coordination, and effectiveness. In pursuing this analysis, the paper relates these trends and dilemmas to attempts to govern EU-China economic relations: public/private, bilateral/multilateral, and regulatory/political. In the final section of the paper, these efforts are evaluated in the context of the EU’s economic diplomacy, with relation to key actors, processes, and outcomes and to the key functions of deliberation, representation, communication, and negotiation.     

振兴东北老工业基地的战略思考

东北是我国最为典型的大经济区 ,对全国的贡献最大 ,但投入十分不足。东北地区存在的困难与矛盾最为突出 ,“东北现象”与“新东北现象”集中说明了这一点。但东北地区经济基础雄厚 ,具有很强的发展潜力。东北老工业基地改造与振兴是一个十分复杂的系统工程 ,应进行国有大中型企业改造及其体制、机制创新 ,发展高新技术产业与接续产业 ,大力发展民营经济 ,走农业工业化的道路。采取的对策和措施包括 :大东北战略 ,大力度的举措 ,切实可行的组织保证。     

羊脑多头蚴的超微结构观察

为观察羊脑多头蚴的超微结构,寻找自然感染羊脑多头蚴的病羊,采集多头带绦虫续绦期幼虫,固定于25mL/L戊二醛中,分别取其头节、囊壁、颈部区,超薄切片后进行透射电镜观察。结果表明,羊脑多头蚴的囊壁结构具有微毛,远离头节的囊壁微毛与头节附近颈部区囊壁的微毛分布情况不同;囊壁可明显分为皮层、间质层、实质区;在实质区可观察到皮层细胞、实质细胞、成石灰小体细胞、焰细胞、成肌细胞以及排泄系统结构;头节中可观察到很发达的肌纤维结构,头节内部有类似于囊壁的皮层结构,并可见粗大微毛,细胞种类明显少于囊壁实质区,含颗粒的囊泡结构明显增多。证明羊脑多头蚴囊壁的结构和细胞种类与其他绦虫相似,但有比较发达的排泄系统;头节外表面无皮层结构,仅有呈环状围绕的纤维和囊泡结构。     

关于中美关系的几点思考

一、如何在百年未有之大变局中认识和把握中美关系中美关系的变化是世界百年未有之大变局中极为突出、引人注目甚至是举足轻重的部分。同时,世界那么大,不是只有中美两家。对于中美之间、大国之间的博弈,不能只看到地缘政治、地缘战略。推动变局的有更深层次、更广泛影响、起更长远作用的力量和因素,比如说经济发展及其带来的格局调整、科技进步及其促成的生产方式和生活方式的转变、文化觉醒和复兴及其激发的碰撞和交融、人民不断增长的对美好生活的向往及其产生的对国家与社会治理的诉求,等等。我们要善于从生产力和生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑的互动中抓住形势变化的方向、趋势和根本原因。     

Uncertain India? Deepening globalization,unanticipated consequences and the challenge of sustainability

ABSTRACT

Taken together, these essays are an eye-opener for those who still see India as a homeostatic society, trapped into caste and custom. The articles on transparency in public transactions, financial credit market reform, effect of the new, reformed economy on the leaders of business and industry and the general framework for understanding India’s “reform consolidation,” present different facets of a society on the move. They showcase how endogenous transformation interlocks with external stimuli and opportunities. This introduction is a succinct analysis of the course of India’s development in specific arenas, contradictions, and resilience of the general process of which they are a part, and, most important of all, the convergence of endogenous developments and exogenous conditions that have emerged as critical determinants of the durability of India’s globalization. However, thanks to India’s noisy but resilient democracy, the direction and pace of India’s globalization, locked into the clash of two paradigms, one drawing its legitimacy from the rhetoric of secularism and social justice and, the other, leveraging on muscular nationalism, deep cultural roots, and rapid corporate-led growth, remains uncertain.     

The (non) event of state terror: drones and divine violence

In this article, we interrogate how the logic of the drone reconfigures state terrorism through the politics of (in)visibility. We argue that the everyday life of the drone can be both dull and disastrous, and thus demonstrates how state and non-state terror operate around different logics of visibility and witnessing. Enhanced sight and interpretation of data wrought by drones are distinct from the politicised act of witnessing. State terrorism, however, benefits from the privatisation and depoliticisation of the witnessing of the event through a minimisation of those who appear “visible”. Further, through the language of technology and security, drones help to classify the witnessing of the event. The event produces terror without witness, and without premonition, invoking the omnipresent power of god and thus blending divine retribution with profane catastrophe. We claim that state terror seeks to: (1) limit the exposure of the state to the act of witnessing and remembrance; and (2) through the ethos of privatisation, legalistically control the narrative of violence. In our conclusion, we discuss the implications of warfare in relation to (in)visibility, memory and drones.     

中国-东盟贸易、投资与环境协同发展争端解决机制研究

当前国际组织在处理贸易、投资与环境问题的方法上各有利弊,为了解决中国-东盟贸易、投资与环境的冲突问题,实现中国-东盟贸易、投资与环境的协同发展,基于设计的中国-东盟争端解决机制构建的思路和框架体系,并进一步探讨了确保争端解决机制正常运作的保障机制,即建立中国-东盟环境协调发展总局、中国-东盟环境协调发展基金会以及中国-东盟争端解决机制的诉讼体制。     

生物欠防备对国家安全的危害

科学技术的发展一直在对国家安全的内涵产生影响,技术能力的发展会增加威胁国家安全的手段和模式,科学技术的滥用也会危及社会安全。生物技术在近半个多世纪以来发展极为迅猛,其影响面极广,涉及微生物、动植物、生态环境、医学、农业、粮食、生化战争、生物恐怖主义、人的健康、人口安全等方面,其覆盖领域的广度和深度是其他任何技术都无法比拟的。生物欠防备是指在现实生物安全威胁面前准备不充分和应对不够有效的状况。中国既处于生物欠防备状态,也处于一定程度的生物欠防卫状态,这表现在中国的药物（含疫苗）、水、粮食、种子均处于不设防开放的状态。造成这种状态的根本原因是认识问题,生物技术本身具有前沿性、复杂性,其管理具有跨军民界限、跨学科界限、跨政府部门界限、跨政府任期界限、跨国界的特点,中国现有管理模式不适应这些特点。今后,应密切关注和防范生物技术研发与应用过程中特有的安全风险以及生物技术被有意识用于安全威胁的现实可能性和严重危害性。     

俄罗斯亚太能源战略评析——基于远东油气管道项目的视角

俄罗斯远东地区油气储量巨大,21世纪初,俄罗斯能源战略明确提出开发东西伯利亚和远东油气资源、加快能源基础设施建设的倡议,并将亚太地区作为未来俄罗斯油气出口地理结构多元化的优先发展方向。"西伯利亚力量"天然气管道和"东西伯利亚—太平洋"石油管道是俄罗斯通往亚太地区的两大油气运输基础设施项目,2019年底这两大项目草案均取得了重要进展。随着远东油气管道的建设与开通,中俄能源关系日益密切,双方都致力于从能源关系多样化的角度构筑有利于彼此的能源安全体系,有望结成利益与共的能源命运共同体。同时,俄罗斯也在积极发展与亚太其他国家的能源关系,推动建立亚太能源安全体系。鉴于俄罗斯向亚太市场供应能力的持续增强,将促使原有的区域能源供需关系和国际能源格局发生改变。然而,资金、消费市场、地缘安全环境等不确定因素对俄罗斯亚太能源战略的未来走势形成制约。为此,在当前全球能源生产呈多中心化趋势、能源需求重心东移的背景下,亟须建立行之有效的亚太多边能源对话与合作机制,搭建起亚洲能源生产和消费的共享平台,逐步实现能源基础设施的互联互通以共同防范外部冲击、避免无序竞争,增强区域整体的能源实力。     

广西服务中国—东盟命运共同体建设新方略

建设中国—东盟命运共同体、21世纪"海上丝绸之路"等国家重大战略的实施,离不开地方政府的积极参与和有效作为。过去10年,广西在服务中国—东盟自由贸易区建设中发挥了重要作用,创造了三大奇迹,积累了十大经验,广西客观上成为中国—东盟战略合作的新高地。当前,广西已经进入高铁时代、北部湾经济区同城化时代、沿海沿边沿江"三沿"全面开发开放时代、构建新的战略支点时代,进入工业化中期阶段、城镇化加速阶段和经济起飞阶段,广西的开放发展正站在一个新的历史起点上。未来10年,广西将紧紧围绕携手建设中国—东盟命运共同体、共同建设21世纪"海上丝绸之路"、打造中国—东盟自由贸易区升级版以及中国—东盟"2+7"合作框架1,实施以开放为主导的跨越式发展战略,深化与东盟的全面开放合作,着力打造中国西南中南地区开放发展新的战略支点、海上丝绸之路的新门户新枢纽、中国—东盟合作高地,服务中国—东盟命运共同体建设,把广西与东盟的全面开放合作推上一个新台阶。     

Democratization after Civil Wars – Key Problems and Experiences

Democratization and peace-building in post-civil war situations are closely interlinked. To analyse the difficulties of post-war democratization, and especially democratization as attempted by external and international actors, this article deals with the problem in several stages: first, it will provide a brief overview of the recent discourse on the topic, to place the discussion into the political and academic context. Second, it will focus on the reasons for and the types of civil wars, and the actors involved, because these provide the starting points of any attempt of post-war democratization and will determine the conditions for success and failure. Third, the key structural problems for post-civil war democratization will be explored, including ethnic fragmentation, followed by a brief analysis of the specific role, opportunities and limits of external actors in democratization. Finally, we will try to formulate a few hypotheses and conclusions to help explain the limited success of external democracy building in post-war societies, concentrating on the cases of Bosnia, Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. The account concludes that without the necessary preconditions for democratization in post-conflict societies, external attempts will be of little success. Among the key requirements is the need for a strong and organized social base for democratization to build on. On the other hand, contradictions in the policies of intervening powers are a major hindrance.     

The epistemological crisis of counterterrorism

This article describes the nature, origins and consequences of the epistemological crisis at the heart of contemporary counterterrorism. The epistemological crisis of counterterrorism is an identifiable epistemic posture towards knowledge about, as well as a way of acting towards, the terrorist threat. It manifests itself discursively in the manner in which officials, scholars, pundits and others speak about the threat of terrorism, and the way counterterrorism and security practitioners then act in pursuit of security against that threat. The article argues that many of the bizarre counterterrorist practices regularly observed in many Western countries, as well as costly and counterproductive counterterrorist practices such as preemptive war, targeted killings, mass surveillance, torture, control orders and de-radicalisation programmes, among others, are neither anomalous nor irrational in the context of the new paradigm. Rather, they flow logically and directly from the particular paranoid logic, which is constitutive of the epistemological crisis. The article concludes with a discussion about how and why critical scholars can and should attempt to resist and deconstruct it.     

全球公域：不均衡全球化 世界中的治理与权力

随着全球化进程的深化，具有非传统特性的全球问题不断涌现，在现有治理秩序下无法得到有效解决，需要协调全球各行为体一致努力进行治理，这在一定程度上推进了全球共治理念的贯彻，有助于实现全球共享安全。其中，网络、极地、外太空、公海等各个全球公域的重点问题领域，亟须全球做出协调努力进行治理。全球公域作为一个相对较新的战略增长点，为各国所重视。但是，治理中仍然存在着两类权力不均衡的情况，即参与治理的富国与穷国之间权力的不均衡，参与治理的国家行为体与非国家行为体之间权力的不均衡，它们都影响了治理的效果。全球公域治理的制度安排受限于概念模糊、划界不清、权责不明的现状，大国权力政治的色彩很容易趁机充斥到全球治理的诸多安排当中，危机治理行为的合法性。