捷克的疑欧主义及其欧洲政策探析

捷克主流政党中存在强大的疑欧力量,这对捷克的欧洲政策产生了重要影响。通过对《里斯本条约》的批准进程和欧债危机两个案例,本文对捷克疑欧主义对其欧洲政策的作用进行了分析。虽然2014年亲欧政府的上台部分改变了原有政策,但捷克疑欧主义的发展依然存在重要变数,捷克欧洲政策的走向难以乐观。     

Japan and the European Union: shared foreign policy interests

Background  Japan and the European Union (Reiterer (2004b) 2:33–42) are both interested in enhancing their international standing in order to overcome their perceived status as economic giants but political dwarfs. While the reasons for this endeavour as well as the inherent characteristics of the actors involved—a traditional nation state as compared to the most advanced integration structure world-wide—are quite different, both entities see themselves primarily as civilian powers (Whitman (2006) 11(1):1–15) without neglecting the need to endow themselves with a military capacity in order to be more effective and credible on a world-wide scale. The ‘EU is emerging as a key regional actor in certain global affairs, particularly in such areas as finance, trade, environment and development, and current policy is directed towards enhancing the role of the European Union in the global governance system. To this end, the European Commission is actively engaged in such issues as the global governance of trade, the protection of human rights, the promotion of democracy, strengthening of regional and global security communities, and encouraging regional integration in other parts of the world.’ (Farrel (2005) 10(4):452–453)—all areas, except the latter task, where the EU and Japan could potentially cooperate closely.Objectives  Before identifying shared foreign policy interests between the EU and Japan, I will first bring to light some of the interests the EU has in East Asia in general; secondly I will chart the major Japanese foreign policy interests which will allow me to map out areas of potential common interest and concern.Adjunct Professor for International Politics, University of Innsbruck; Minister and Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Commission to Japan; the author expresses his own views which should not be attributed to the European Commission. The author whishes to recognize the research assistance of Ms. Sachi Claringbould.

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European security and defence policy: from cologne to sarajevo

This article reviews the development of the EU's European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) from its inception at the Cologne European Council Summit in June 1999 until its most immediate challenge, namely, the establishment of a military mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina to take over from NATO's SFOR mission at the end of 2004. After a general survey, an analysis of the challenges and trends that confront ESDP in the coming period follows. In particular, issues relating to recognition, governance and post-nationalism are explored.     

Foreign policy and development in the post-Lisbon European Union

The European Union (EU) has a long tradition of involvement in development policy and can claim to be the world's most influential donor when the activities of its member states are aggregated. Recently, however, this position has been challenged by the rise of new donors and models of development assistance, by the changing needs and positions of recipients and by institutional change within the EU itself. This article explores these issues by focusing first on the nature of EU foreign policy, and then on the ways in which it has interacted with the changing trajectory of development policies to create new issues and problems. It concludes that the EU's position remains central and significant to global development policy, but that this position faces important challenges to which the response is as yet uncertain.     

Towards green energy cooperation in Northeast Asia: implications from European experiences

Faced with the dual challenge of depletion of fossil fuels and climate change, three Northeast Asian countries—China, Japan and Korea—introduced green energy initiatives in recent years. Even though the portion of renewable energy in the energy mix has been limited, a rapid shift to green initiatives has given a strong boost to renewable energy resources. Cooperation with respect to green energy in Northeast Asia (NEA) may eventually overcome the geopolitical constraints and zero-sum nature of the fossil fuel supply in the region. However, this cooperation also faces a number of obstacles to be overcome. Energy cooperation in NEA is still in an embryonic stage, and the level of institutionalisation is low. Green energy cooperation is not free from neo-mercantilist competition either, as the current green initiatives entail elements of strong industrial policy. European experience may shed light on the burgeoning green energy cooperation in NEA, in terms of methods and scope. The EU is currently adopting the most advanced policies on renewable energy and climate change. A series of green energy initiatives has provided a concrete platform for further green energy cooperation that could be pursued at the Union level. On the other hand, the history of European energy cooperation indicates that a long stage of market integration, institutional development and policy coordination are prerequisite. Northeast Asian green energy cooperation should be based on a continued momentum of green initiatives at the domestic level as well as the advancement of sub-regional institutional build-up. Regional multilateral institutions, such as Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, Association of Southeast Asian Nations Plus Three and ASEAN Regional Forum, as well as diverse international organisations and Track II institutions can provide a useful venue for Northeast Asian countries to share information and adopt a common position towards green energy cooperation.     

Towards a new European Taiwan policy? Some preliminary reflexions

  The so-called `Taiwan question' remains to be one of the most serious security issues in international politics. Although economic integration and cultural–scientific exchange between Taiwan and the Chinese mainland are intensifying, a future military conflict between the two sides can't be ruled out. The main obstacle for cross-Strait détente is the problem of Taiwanese sovereignty. This article argues that bilateral negotiations can't be brought back on track if they are not based on a conceptual framework that tackles Taiwanese sovereignty instead of avoiding it. By discussing some paradigmatic proposals made in recent years, it is held that the European experience of voluntary integration might serve as a suitable blueprint for a peaceful solution of the `Taiwan question'. The article pleads for a new EU Taiwan policy that is based on the promotion of integration between the two sides of the Taiwan Strait. This policy should be actively pursued in all relevant international fora, especially in the context of ASEM and the EU-China summits.     

The EU and the Mediterranean: Overhauling the status quo policy approach

Redefining sovereignty: The use of force after the end of the cold war / edited by Michael Bothe, Ellen O'Connell, Natalino Ronzitti. ‐ Ardsley : Transnational Publishers, c2005. ‐ xii, 496 p. ‐ ISBN 1–57105–324–7     

Regional energy cooperation in North East Asia: Lessons from the European Experience

The three major oil importing countries of Northeast Asia—China, Japan and South Korea—are concerned about future security of energy supplies to fuel their dynamic economic activity. Currently all three countries are highly dependent on imports of oil from the Middle East, a region with inherent political instability. Russia’s rich reserves of oil and gas in Eastern Siberia and the Russian Far East offer an obvious alternative. Given the geographical proximity of Russia and its desire to increase its energy exports to Northeast Asia, there is huge potential for cooperation. So far there has been no real intra-regional cooperation and no common external policy towards Russia. Despite obvious differences between Europe and North East Asia, the European model of energy cooperation, developed over the past 50 years, offers some useful lessons.

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