The evolution and transformation of European environmental policy and law

With the progress of European integration, the European environmental policy and law, from zero to bloom, approximately experienced a three- stage development, namely a forming period, an establishing period and a developing period. Environmental policy is no longer a byproduct of the construction of the common market, but has become a significant instrument for realizing the European sustainable development. On the occasion of the amendment of the European treaties, the legal foundation of environmental policy became clear, decision-making mechanism evolved, and implementation measures varied. However, European environmental actions are still constrained by the division of competences between the Union and member states. Moreover, with the trend of deregulation it remains also a tough task for EU on how to effectively realize the objective of sustainable development

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捷克的疑欧主义及其欧洲政策探析

捷克主流政党中存在强大的疑欧力量,这对捷克的欧洲政策产生了重要影响。通过对《里斯本条约》的批准进程和欧债危机两个案例,本文对捷克疑欧主义对其欧洲政策的作用进行了分析。虽然2014年亲欧政府的上台部分改变了原有政策,但捷克疑欧主义的发展依然存在重要变数,捷克欧洲政策的走向难以乐观。     

European security and defence policy: from cologne to sarajevo

This article reviews the development of the EU's European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) from its inception at the Cologne European Council Summit in June 1999 until its most immediate challenge, namely, the establishment of a military mission in Bosnia and Herzegovina to take over from NATO's SFOR mission at the end of 2004. After a general survey, an analysis of the challenges and trends that confront ESDP in the coming period follows. In particular, issues relating to recognition, governance and post-nationalism are explored.     

Japan and the European Union: shared foreign policy interests

Background  Japan and the European Union (Reiterer (2004b) 2:33–42) are both interested in enhancing their international standing in order to overcome their perceived status as economic giants but political dwarfs. While the reasons for this endeavour as well as the inherent characteristics of the actors involved—a traditional nation state as compared to the most advanced integration structure world-wide—are quite different, both entities see themselves primarily as civilian powers (Whitman (2006) 11(1):1–15) without neglecting the need to endow themselves with a military capacity in order to be more effective and credible on a world-wide scale. The ‘EU is emerging as a key regional actor in certain global affairs, particularly in such areas as finance, trade, environment and development, and current policy is directed towards enhancing the role of the European Union in the global governance system. To this end, the European Commission is actively engaged in such issues as the global governance of trade, the protection of human rights, the promotion of democracy, strengthening of regional and global security communities, and encouraging regional integration in other parts of the world.’ (Farrel (2005) 10(4):452–453)—all areas, except the latter task, where the EU and Japan could potentially cooperate closely.Objectives  Before identifying shared foreign policy interests between the EU and Japan, I will first bring to light some of the interests the EU has in East Asia in general; secondly I will chart the major Japanese foreign policy interests which will allow me to map out areas of potential common interest and concern.Adjunct Professor for International Politics, University of Innsbruck; Minister and Deputy Head of the Delegation of the European Commission to Japan; the author expresses his own views which should not be attributed to the European Commission. The author whishes to recognize the research assistance of Ms. Sachi Claringbould.

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Foreign policy and development in the post-Lisbon European Union

The European Union (EU) has a long tradition of involvement in development policy and can claim to be the world's most influential donor when the activities of its member states are aggregated. Recently, however, this position has been challenged by the rise of new donors and models of development assistance, by the changing needs and positions of recipients and by institutional change within the EU itself. This article explores these issues by focusing first on the nature of EU foreign policy, and then on the ways in which it has interacted with the changing trajectory of development policies to create new issues and problems. It concludes that the EU's position remains central and significant to global development policy, but that this position faces important challenges to which the response is as yet uncertain.     

从欧洲邻国政策到东方伙伴关系——欧盟东方政策的新视线

2009年5月欧盟出台的东方伙伴关系,是欧盟协调同其东部邻国关系的最新政策工具.该项倡议是欧洲邻国政策的继承和发展.更重要的是,东方伙伴关系被赋予许多新的使命.该政策的实施将大幅提升欧盟同东部邻国关系的水平,更可能对未来欧俄关系、独联体未来发展,乃至欧亚大陆的地缘政治格局产生重大影响.     

Towards green energy cooperation in Northeast Asia: implications from European experiences

Faced with the dual challenge of depletion of fossil fuels and climate change, three Northeast Asian countries—China, Japan and Korea—introduced green energy initiatives in recent years. Even though the portion of renewable energy in the energy mix has been limited, a rapid shift to green initiatives has given a strong boost to renewable energy resources. Cooperation with respect to green energy in Northeast Asia (NEA) may eventually overcome the geopolitical constraints and zero-sum nature of the fossil fuel supply in the region. However, this cooperation also faces a number of obstacles to be overcome. Energy cooperation in NEA is still in an embryonic stage, and the level of institutionalisation is low. Green energy cooperation is not free from neo-mercantilist competition either, as the current green initiatives entail elements of strong industrial policy. European experience may shed light on the burgeoning green energy cooperation in NEA, in terms of methods and scope. The EU is currently adopting the most advanced policies on renewable energy and climate change. A series of green energy initiatives has provided a concrete platform for further green energy cooperation that could be pursued at the Union level. On the other hand, the history of European energy cooperation indicates that a long stage of market integration, institutional development and policy coordination are prerequisite. Northeast Asian green energy cooperation should be based on a continued momentum of green initiatives at the domestic level as well as the advancement of sub-regional institutional build-up. Regional multilateral institutions, such as Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, Association of Southeast Asian Nations Plus Three and ASEAN Regional Forum, as well as diverse international organisations and Track II institutions can provide a useful venue for Northeast Asian countries to share information and adopt a common position towards green energy cooperation.     

Civil society and the European common security and defence policy

The involvement of civil society organizations (CSOs) is widely regarded by students of the EU's domestic policy fields as enhancing transparency and accountability and, more generally, the democratic quality of political processes. This article explores the contribution of CSOs to the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy and assesses whether a democracy-enhancing effect of their involvement can also be demonstrated for this policy field. We analyse the contribution of CSOs based on two common models of democracy: the intergovernmental and the supranational model of democracy. We find that CSOs are indeed quite actively involved in the EU's security policy. With regard to their democracy-enhancing effects, however, our findings are rather mixed. While the engagement of CSOs does provide a remedy for the democratic deficits associated with intergovernmental decision-making, these organizations do not fully meet the demands posed by supranational governance.