"New Wars" and Rumors of "New Wars"

Recently, there has been a growing tendency to suggest "new" classes of wars that are presumably different from all wars we have known and studied. In this article, we discuss the extent to which the landscape of armed conflict has changed so dramatically that it has necessitated a revision of the prevalent typology of war, a reconsideration of the correlates of war, and a reconceptualization of the theoretical assumptions regarding the etiology of war. While it is clear that patterns of warfare shift across time and space, it is not clear that war itself has changed "fundamentally" and has become inexplicable in light of theoretical arguments in world politics as many "new war" theorists suggest. Our analysis demonstrates that many of the "new wars" are simply amalgamations of various interstate, extrastate, and intrastate wars-i.e., the "old wars"-that have been lumped into a single category. The result is a hodgepodge of armed conflicts whose different correlates derive from their diverse morphologies rather than their novelty as wars unlike any we have experienced previously.     

Wars of Succession

I analyze a model of bargaining, war, and endogenous leadership turnover in which (1) leader attributes affect war outcomes and (2) war can insulate settlements from renegotiation. Shifts in bargaining power caused by leadership turnover are endogenous and discontinuous, but sufficiently decisive war outcomes can solve the associated commitment problem. In contrast to other models where the shadow cast by a hawkish successor encourages moderation toward a dovish incumbent, the foreign state attacks instead—despite a dovish incumbent’s known preference for peace—using war to lock in a settlement that would otherwise be lost to future leadership turnover. I discuss the theory’s implications for widening the empirical scope of the commitment problem explanation for war to limited wars over relatively lower stakes and for integrating the politics of leadership turnover with the study of strategic rivalries.     

Brief Introduction of the Chinese Association for International Understanding

Founded in September 1981, the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU) is sponsored by and composed of prominent personages, scholars and social activists from various organizations, political parties and other social bodies in China. Established in the initial years of China's reform and opening up, the Association, aiming at promoting mutual understanding and friendship between China and other countries and safeguarding world peace, has been undertaking international…     

新书简介

为便于国内外读者了解国际形势,较为准确地认识中国外交的进展与作用,中国国际问题研究所今年上半年隆重推出了它的"三大品牌":<国际形势和中国外交蓝皮书(2007/2008年)>、<2007年国际形势研讨会论文集>、<国际风云录(2007/2008)>等三本专著(世界知识出版社,2008年4月出版).     

新书简介

荣鹰中国国际问题研究所综合研究室主任为帮助国内外读者全面、客观地了解国际形势和中国外交,中国国际问题研究所今年上半年隆重推出三本书籍：《国际形势和中国外交蓝皮书(2005/2006年)》、《国际形势年终研讨会论文集》、《国际风云录(2005/2006年)》。     

Dismantling the Oil Wars Myth

This article argues that, contrary to the assumptions of international relations scholars, policymakers, and the general public, states do not engage in oil wars. A twofold strategy is employed to support this assertion. First, the article scrutinizes the logical underpinnings of oil war claims, arguing that proponents have underestimated the obstacles to seizing and exploiting foreign resources and, consequently, exaggerated the likelihood of oil wars. Second, the article examines four conflicts that are commonly identified as international oil wars: Japan's attack on the Dutch East Indies in World War II, Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, the Iran--Iraq War, and the Chaco War between Bolivia and Paraguay. It finds that the desire to control additional oil resources was not the fundamental cause of aggression in any of these conflicts. In the latter two cases, aggression was unconnected to oil interests. In the former, states fought for their survival, not for an oil prize.     

Brief Introduction of the Chinese Association for International Understanding（CAFIU）

Established in 1981,the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU) is composed by social activists,scholars and representatives from all walks of life. CAFIU is registered as a non-profit organization with the Ministry of Civil Affairs,and acquired special consultative     

Brief Introduction of the Chinese Association for International Understanding(CAFIU)

FoundedinSeptember1981,theChineseAssociationforInternationalUnderstanding(CAFIU)issponsoredbyandcomposedofprominentpersonages,scholarsandsocialachvistsfromvariousorganizations,politicalpartiesandothersocialbodiesinChina.EstablishedintheinitialyearsofChina'sreformandopeningup,theAssociation,aimingatpromotingmutualunderstandingandfriendshipbetWeenChinaandothercountriesandsafeguardingworldpeace,hasbeenundertakinginternationalnon-govermentalexchangesinthehopeto"lettheoutsideworldandChinaknow…     

Brief Introduction of the Chinese Association for International Understanding(CAFIU)

Chinese Association for International Understanding:On the occasion of the 30th anniversary of the establishment of the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU), I would like to express my warm congratulations, and extend my cordial greetings to the comrades who have long     

Brief Introduction of the Chinese Association for International Understanding（CAFIU）

Founded in September 1981, the Chinese Association for International Understanding （CAFIU） is sponsored by and composed of political parties, social organizations, prominent personages, scholars and social activists from all walks of life in China. CAFIU, aiming at enhancing mutual understanding and friendship between China and other countries, safeguarding world peace and promoting common development, has been carrying out active and wide-ranging international non-governmental exchanges and dialogues in the hope to ＂Let the world understand China, and let China understand the world＂.     

The Cod Wars: a re-analysis

The occurrence and outcomes of the Cod Wars defy both popular and academic expectations. Iceland, a microstate, essentially won four disputes against the UK, a great power. The two states furthermore belonged to a Western security community, sharing significant institutional, economic and cultural ties. This article reviews the history and international relations literature on the Cod Wars to explain and evaluate why the Cod Wars occurred and why Iceland won them. This article also explains what lessons international relations scholarship has learned from the Cod Wars for liberal international relations theory, realism and asymmetric bargaining.     

越南对市场机制下高等教育的新认识

2001年4月,越共九大提出建立社会主义方向的市场经济体制,要求到201O年基本上形成社会主义方向的市场经济体制.随着社会主义方向市场机制的逐步建立,越南对社会主义市场机制下的高等教育有了新的认识.     

Humanitarian Intervention and Communal Civil Wars:

How do policymakers in democratic nations mobilize support for hard-line strategies? Existing answers to this question emphasize the exaggeration of external threats. Yet this overlooks an important dilemma: because democratic citizens expect their leaders to explore peaceful solutions or less aggressive alternatives when foreign dangers are ambiguous, the same conditions that make threat inflation necessary also make it difficult to employ successfully. To mobilize support for hard-line measures when the public wants its leaders to demonstrate restraint, policymakers may therefore attempt to shift blame onto an adversary by using “counterfeit diplomacy.” Specifically, democratic leaders may adopt more cooperative or less coercive options than they believe are necessary, but which they anticipate will fail. This approach can be a risky one, however, because an opponent might accept a nation's demands, accede to its conditions, or offer counterproposals in the hope of diffusing support for more confrontational measures.     

International Administration Between the Wars: A Reappraisal

This article traces the chronology of the interwar decline of European influence and power, arguing that its origins outside Europe are to be found as much in the paradoxical status of international administration of colonial and post-colonial areas as in the direct challenges posed to European stability by revisionist states in the early 1930s. It demonstrates that an inherent ambivalence toward the interwar colonial world and its relationship to Europe presaged and conditioned the collapse of Europe's own balance of power.     

New Chapter of Friendship:Enhancing Understanding and Promoting Cooperation

<正>At the invitation of the Chinese Association for International Understanding(CAFIU),a fifteenmember delegation of 6 NGOs from Poland,Hungary,Bulgaria,Serbia and Cuba,headed by Mr.Wielecki,the Vice-Chairman of the Advisory of Civic AssociationPolish House,visited China from July     

对美国新经济的再认识

网络泡沫破灭导致新经济调整,也促使人们反思新经济。网络经济是新经济的主要内涵,但不是它的全部。新经济是一种新的经济形态,在信息技术（IT）革命创造的新技术经济体系下运行,其主要特征可概括为：以知识为基础,以IT产业为主导,以全球经济为导向。新经济是新兴产业与传统产业结合的统一体,前者为主导,后者则为依托。IT在提高生产率的同时,改变传统的周期规律：扩张期大大拉长,经济运行轨迹背离“菲利普曲线”。随着IT革命的深化并向全球扩展,加之新旧产业的整合,新经济发展方兴未艾。     

Italian Parliamentarians Gained New Understanding of Real Situation in Tibet

At the invitation of the Chinese Association for International Understanding (CAFIU), an 11-member delegation of the China's Friends Association of the Italian Parliament led by Mr. Romualdo Coviello, Chairman of the Senate's Budget Committee, visited China from August 28 to September 7. Besides Beijing, the guests also visited Chengdu and Lhasa. During their visit, Mr. Jiang Zhenghua, Vice-Chairman of the National People's Congress (NPC), met with them Mme. Li Shuzheng, CAFI…