发展中的非洲区域知识产权保护体制

非洲较早地建立了法语区的非洲知识产权组织和英语区的非洲地区工业产权组织,形成了一洲两制的知识产权区域保护局面.随着非洲各国政治、经济一体化进程的不断加快,这两个组织已经不太适应时代的需求.建立一个统一的非洲区域性知识产权保护体制日益迫切.非洲联盟已经决定建立一个统一的非洲知识产权组织--泛非知识产权组织.它的建构应当重点注意以下几个问题,即正确处理它同世界贸易组织<与贸易有关的知识产权协定>的关系、重视传统资源的保护、实现知识产权与经济社会发展的整合.     

The Political Cost-Effectiveness of Private Vessel Protection: The Italian Case

Italy has traditionally been wary of private providers of security. Still, private military and security companies (PMSCs) have recently started to play an important role in protecting Italian merchant vessels, eventually replacing the military vessel protection detachment units (VPDs) provided by the Italian Navy. Drawing on neoclassical realism, the increasing involvement of PMSCs in protecting Italian merchant ships is presented as an attempt to reduce the political costs associated with the use of military personnel abroad, epitomised by the arrest of two Italian Navy fusiliers by Indian authorities in February 2012.     

日本保护知识产权战略点评

日本目前正在全力实施保护知识产权战略,这当然是必要的.但仅仅实施这项战略,是无法解决日本经济目前所面临的各种结构性问题的.小泉内阁竭尽全力为此造势,实际上是出于无奈,因为结构改革根本无法推进.他接过这一口号,是为了给自己增加一个新亮点,维系支持率.     

东盟国家知识产权保护：立法与制度的最新发展

在过去20年中,东盟国家知识产权保护立法与制度的发展状况较少受到人们的关注。近些年来,东盟国家在知识产权保护的立法、制度创新、区域知识产权保护的统一与协调等方面都出现了新的变化,试图确立东盟在知识产权领域的主要角色地位,而避免被动地接受其他国家在知识产权保护方面所创造的原则和制定的政策,引起了世人的关注。     

Case Study Methods in International Political Economy

IPE scholars frequently use qualitative methods to contribute to theory-building, but we could get greater value from them. Single case studies are actually a family of research designs: the disciplined interpretive case study, the hypothesis-generating case study, the least-likely, most-likely, and deviant case studies. The method of difference employs comparison and attempts to eliminate rival interpretation by choosing two or more cases that match in important respects. These methods enjoy several inherent advantages relative to statistical methods, and they suffer from several disadvantages. Neither family of methods is sufficient. The two complement one another and ultimately must be combined.     

政治参与和政治稳定——关于当前拉美国家政局经常出现局部动荡的一种解释

拉美国家政治参与的主体主要有政党、社会运动、土著人组织、天主教会、工会、军队、国际组织和个人等。首先,上述任何参与既可能采取体制内或合法的参与形式,又有可能采取体制外的或非法的参与形式,这主要取决于一国和地区内各主体时代背景、政治经济条件以及参与主体的力量结构的不同。其次,上述任何主体体制外的政治参与都有可能影响到该国或地区的政治稳定。第三,拉美国家政局局部动荡的制度方面的原因,就是这些国家议会民主制度已经确立,但由于人民教育水平和政治觉悟的提高,文化、分配和政治上的需求迅速增加,与当前拉美的政治参与机制,如政党制度、三权分立等制度不健全之间产生矛盾,人民的愿望难以伸张,需求难以得到满足,对政府的信任度降低,转而采取非法参与形式,引发政治局部动荡。     

The World Intellectual Property Organisation and the Development Agenda

In this article the current political debates at the World Intellectual Property Organisation (WIPO) relating to the proposed “development agenda” are set out and contextualised. Central to the proposal for the WIPO Development Agenda is the need to make the link to the United Nations (of which the WIPO is a Specialised Agency) actually mean something. Thus, at the centre of the WIPO Development Agenda is an engagement with the hitherto accepted mission of the organisation to “promote” intellectual property rights (IPRs). The article discusses the main components of the WIPO Development Agenda and the discussion to date regarding their adoption and modification by the WIPO.     

The Political Economy of Georgia's Rose Revolution

The Rose Revolution opened a new chapter in the history of modern Georgia. The post-revolution government achieved a number of successes in areas such as dramatically increasing state budget revenues, fighting corruption, and setting up effective cooperative relationships with the international financial institutions. But it made some mistakes, too, in building a democratic state in general and in its economic policy in particular. Its relationship with Russia and its excessive exposure to Russian investments is particularly troubling. The country's policies need to be fine-tuned in order to protect its democracy and promote further economic growth.     

知识产权制度引进与互动:WIPO与中国

世界知识产权组织对改革开放后中国知识产权制度在引进基础上的构建与完善起到了一定的推动作用,但由于该组织本身的宗旨及其存在的一些缺陷,其对中国现有知识产权制度的不足也产生了一定的影响.针对该组织管辖下的有关条约主要体现发达国家的意志及其在WTO成立后在知识产权领域作用弱化的局面,中国作为国力不断增强以及在国际贸易中地位日显重要和创新能力大幅提升的最大的发展中国家,在自主完善本国国内法的条件下,与该组织的互动及参与、主导有关国际条约的修改或制定,可以维护广大发展中国家优势所在的知识产权领域利益.这是中国重要的历史使命,也是其在国际知识产权立法活动中价值的重要体现.     

Comparative Public Health: The Political Economy of Human Misery and Well-Being

Nearly 10 percent of the world's economic resources are devoted to health care. But why do certain countries devote more resources to public health? Why are some countries better than others at achieving tangible health outcomes using the same level of economic resources? Surprisingly, political scientists and public health scholars have done only limited systematic research on these important questions. We address them by developing and testing an analytical framework of domestic and international political influences on public health. We use new data from the World Health Organization to examine cross-national variation first in the level of public expenditures on health, and then in the level of achievement of health outcomes. We measure these influences and their relative impact in terms of dollars and years of health, respectively. Dictatorship, severe income inequality, ethnic heterogeneity, and persistent international hostilities substantially depress the amount of public resources allocated to health care. Moreover, we analyze the extent to which, given the same level of resources allocated to public health, overall national health performance suffers further from unequal provision of services, rapid urbanization, and civil conflict.     

天主教会政治-社会立场的转变与政治发展进程:拉美实例

自天主教传入拉美近500年的历史进程中,教会在拉美的政治-社会地位经历了三次根本性变化,与此相适应,其社会-政治立场也发生三次重要转变.三次变化和转变既是拉美政治发展进程的结果,又对这一进程产生了巨大影响.天主教会一直与拉关的政治发展进程有着密切联系,是该进程的重要组成部分.经过政治-社会地位的重大变化,天主教会虽已不再是拉美国家政治舞台上最强有力的竞争者,但仍能在一系列重大问题上发挥重要影响.     

从中央计划经济到市场经济:波兰案例

本文首先对波兰实行的颇有争议的“休克疗法”进行了评价 ,认为“巴尔采罗维奇计划”为波兰建立市场经济、实现经济的持续增长奠定了基础。在此基础上本文分析了波兰经济转轨的成就与问题 ,并探讨了波兰经济转轨取得成功的奥秘。     

Using Ideas Strategically: The Contest Between Business and NGO Networks in Intellectual Property Rights

Whose ideas matter? And how do actors make them matter? Focusing on the strategic deployment of competing normative frameworks, that is, framing issues and grafting private agendas on policy debates, we examine the contentious politics of the contemporary international intellectual property rights regime. We compare the business victory in the establishment of the 1994 Agreement on Trade-Related Intellectual Property (TRIPS) in the World Trade Organization with the subsequent NGO campaign against enforcing TRIPS to ensure access to essential HIV/AIDS medicines. Our analysis challenges constructivist scholarship that emphasizes the distinction between various types of transnational networks based on instrumental versus normative orientations. We question the portrayal of business firms as strictly instrumental actors preoccupied with material concerns, and NGOs as motivated solely by principled, or non-material beliefs. Yet we also offer a friendly amendment to constructivism by demonstrating its applicability to the analysis of business. Treating the business and NGO networks as competing interest groups driven by their normative ideals and material concerns, we demonstrate that these networks' strategies and activities are remarkably similar.     

东盟知识产权一体化对中国的影响

相较欧盟,东盟虽然是一个一体化进程较低的区域经济组织,但可以预测,包括知识产权保护在内的法律一体化在不远的将来会逐步加深并取得长足的发展.随着中国与东盟各国双边贸易的发展,伴随产生的知识产权问题将会给中国带来影响.本文通过对中国可能受到的影响进行分析,试图探索东盟知识产权一体化进程中可行的协调机制,以避免摩擦,解决争端.     

The Clandestine Political Economy of War and Peace in Bosnia

Most contemporary intrastate military conflicts have a criminalized dimension: In various ways and to varying degrees they use smuggling networks and criminal actors to create and sustain the material basis for warfare. Despite its importance, the criminalized side of intrastate war and its legacy for postwar reconstruction is not a central focus of analysis in most scholarly accounts of armed conflict. A detailed examination of the Bosnian conflict illustrates the explanatory usefulness of a "bottom up," clandestine political economy approach to the study of war and post-war reconstruction. Drawing on interviews with former military leaders, local and international officials, and in-country observers, I argue that the outbreak, persistence, termination, and aftermath of the 1992–1995 war cannot be explained without taking into account the critical role of smuggling practices and quasi-private criminal combatants. The article suggests the need for greater bridging and broadening of the study of security, political economy, and crime.