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Conclusion Terrorists have been active throughout history. Their threat, just like the threat of national warfare, ebbs and flows with events and personalities. To counter this threat, U.S. policy should be mature, honest, flexible, farsighted, publicly known, and consistent with our highest values. At this time, the Bush Administration has a good opportunity to reassess U.S. policy and develop a balanced response to the threat of terrorism.Effective counter-terrorism policy can only evolve from an effective process for evaluating and developing that policy. And the key to successful process is sound negotiation theory. This focus on process, bringing with it a broad view of the problem and a preference for joint activity, creates a workable approach to dealing with the serious threat of terrorism in our world. John S. Murray is President and Executive Director of the Conflict Clinic, Inc., a private not-for-profit organization affiliated with the Center for Conflict Analysis and Resolution, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA 22030. Mr. Murray's sister is Jean Sutherland, whose husband Tom was kidnapped in Beirut by Islamic Jihad on June 9, 1985.  相似文献   

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《国际相互影响》2012,38(4):339-358

Building upon the contributions of previous studies of U.S. foreign aid, this study examines the relationship between human rights and U.S. foreign assistance. Concentrating on the years 1979–1985, the impact of human rights conditions on both economic and military aid allocations to Latin America is analyzed. The results of this analysis indicate that though other factors have a significant effect upon aid allocation, human rights are an important factor in determining the allocation of both U.S. economic assistance and U.S. military assistance. The findings suggest that those countries with better human rights conditions are likely to receive more U.S. aid than others.  相似文献   

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Given the popular wisdom that the U.S. government influences IMF policies and tends to support the business community, it might be expected that IMF programs benefit U.S. firms abroad and thus borrower nations are attractive destinations for U.S. foreign direct investment (FDI). Surprisingly, no study has tested the impact of IMF loans on U.S. FDI. Controlling for common explanations in the literature, we use a treatment effects model and interviews with IMF staff researchers to investigate whether countries under different kinds of IMF programs receive more U.S. FDI than countries not under IMF arrangements. Using panel data for 126 developing countries from 1980 to 2003, we find that IMF borrowers tend to be more attractive to U.S. investors but not all IMF programs have the same effect. Our findings suggest that differences in loan duration, the extent of borrower input in policy decisions, and loan amounts affect borrowers’ leverage with the Fund and the U.S.  相似文献   

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美国国家安全委员会在美对外和对华政策中的作用   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
美国国家安全委员会实际上包括国家安全委员会本身、国家安全委员会工作班子及其负责人国家安全事务助理.它的演变可分为作为咨询机构的早期阶段、作用膨胀阶段和重新确定以发挥协调作用为主的阶段.国家安全委员会在美对外政策中的主要作用有七项,其对华政策部分的主要作用包括参与制定对华政策、国家安全事务助理在中美关系的关键时刻作为特使访华、参加中美关系中的危机管理等.  相似文献   

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美国前驻玻利维亚大使谈美拉关系   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2005年12月8日,美国前驻玻利维亚大使V·曼努埃尔·罗查先生在拉美所做了关于美拉关系的演讲。外交部、现代国际关系研究院、新华社、社科院国际合作局和拉美所学者共40余人出席了报告会。作为资深的外交官和学者,罗查先生站在美国的立场上对美国对拉美政策的演变、美拉关系的现状及其原因等问题提出了自己的看法。现将其主要观点摘编如下。(一)美国对拉美政策的演变:从“民主人权”到“华盛顿共识”再到“美洲自由贸易区”罗查指出,理解现阶段的美拉关系首先要回溯卡特总统时期美国对拉美的政策。1976年,美国总统竞选选出了一位杰出人物:…  相似文献   

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恐怖主义早在“9·11事件”之前就已经是美国政府和公众的心头之患 ,多年来 ,反恐一直被列为美国国家安全战略的重要目标之一。许多专著及文章披露了美国境内外恐怖案件内幕、国际恐怖主义组织及其运作方式、大规模毁灭性恐怖袭击的可怕前景等 ,但很少专门讨论如何处理打击恐怖主义与美国外交之间的关系。美国前中央情报局“反恐中心”副主管、中情局长特别助理保罗·皮勒撰写的《恐怖主义与美国外交政策》(PaulR .Pillar ,TerrorismandU .S .ForeignPolicy ,WashingtonD .C .:Broo…  相似文献   

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美国对外政策与俄美关系   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
冷战后特别是“9·11”以来,美国始终谋求巩固由它领导的单极秩序及其超级大国地位,导致许多国家对美作为“世界领袖”的民主性及其管理世界的方法产生了怀疑。目前,俄美之间对共同利益还缺乏一致性的评价,也没有准备好建立平等的战略伙伴关系。其中一个重要原因就是两国对全球化时代的挑战与威胁,以及两国活动中的全球性因素有不同理解。美对外政策使国际关系进一步复杂化,美国应将建立新的国际秩序和确定它在其中的作用尽快提上议事日程。新的国际秩序应该是世界大国重奏“协奏曲”,并使之成为改变当代世界和在各个领域维系平衡的基础。  相似文献   

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strategic games played out between China and Japan are inextricably linked to the U.S.' Asia-Pacific strategy. From a historical perspective, changes in Japan's domestic politics today can be traced back to the 1945-1951 reforms when Japan was under the control of the U.S.. The Diaoyu Islands dispute is directly related to the U.S.-Japan peace agreement in 1951 that excluded both the Chinese mainland and Taiwan. While current changes in Sino-Japanese relations are also connected to some structural factors like changes in the balance of power between China and Japan and Japan's domestic politics edging to the right, another important external cause that should not be ignored is the U.S. effort to rebalance to the Asia-Pacific. Therefore, in order to improve Sino-Japanese relations, we should not only try to find the causes and relative countermeasures from both sides, but also we should properly understand those factors originating from the U.S., particularly the U.S.' Asia-Pacific strategy.  相似文献   

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美国新保守主义   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
新保守主义是当代美国政治思想流派中最活跃也是最危险的一支,在影响美国政府决策和公众舆论上具有极大的政治能量,对美军事、外交政策包括对华政策具有不容低估的影响力。  相似文献   

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美国对外关系委员会   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
对外关系委员会(Council On Foreign Relations)是美国对政府最有影响力又无明显党派倾向的思想库之一。80多年来,它一直致力于为美国政府提供政策理念和具体策略。秉着“眼光向外”的全球理念,集中体现美国东部财团利益的对外关系委员会在一战以来的各个历史时期都积极主张和影响美国  相似文献   

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A number of government officials and scholars in the U.S. have recently suggested that the country rethink its Taiwan policy, arguing that U.S. arms sales to Taiwan need to be reconsidered. However, the mainstream still emphasizes Taiwan’s strategic value to the U.S. and advocates maintaining the current policy on Taiwan.  相似文献   

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20世纪 70年代末以来 ,美国的制裁是叙美关系演变中最主要的破坏性因素之一。 80年代 ,在制裁的阴影下 ,受美苏争夺、阿以冲突 ,特别是黎巴嫩问题的影响 ,叙美关系以冲突与对抗为突出特征。以第一次海湾战争为契机 ,叙美关系得到明显改善 ,并在重新启动后的中东和平进程中平稳发展。但美国行政当局与国会的对叙策略不尽相同 ,美国对叙利亚的政策在合作与制裁之间摇摆 ,其核心因素之一是恐怖主义问题。“倒萨攻伊”战争以来 ,叙美关系急剧恶化 ,制裁因素再度“发酵”。  相似文献   

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新保守派是美国国内一支重要的政治力量,它兴起于20世纪70年代,成熟于80年代,其思想被称为新保守主义。由于其独特的政治理念和有效的组织运作,新保守派得以长期影响美国政坛,对美国的内外政策有着很大的影响力。一、产生和发展新保守主义是相对于美国自由主义和传统保守主义而言的。它不是一个有纲领、有体系的政治或  相似文献   

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