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1.
Eileen R. Meehan 《Society》2008,45(4):338-341
Tourism has long figured in municipal and state-wide plans for economic development and revitalization. Such plans often articulate
themes subsequently used to organize tours, advertising campaigns, and merchandising. In the 1990s, some residents of Roswell,
New Mexico, tried to build tourism using typical southwestern themes. Others capitalized on Roswell’s unique association with
an alleged crash of an extraterrestrial craft. Early support from the New Mexico Tourism Department (NMTD) facilitated the
success of Roswell’s UFO-based tourism. In 2007, NMTD launched its own alien-based advertising campaign promoting New Mexico
as a tourist destination.
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Eileen R. MeehanEmail: |
2.
Bob McKercher 《Society》2008,45(4):345-347
The unique characteristics of the first generation tourists and the nature of their interactions with the host community leads
to the formation of enduring stereotypes. The first wave of mass tourists sees themselves as innovators, worldly, outward looking, risk takers who are different and somehow better than other members of society. Yet, in reality,
they are relative latecomers to the world of international tourism, causing members of the receiving community to perceive
them as laggards, inward looking individuals who are culturally and socially introverted, unworldly and resistant to change. The situation
is exacerbated by package tour participation which is the typical way any new markets begins to travel. Unfortunately, packages
produce a highly mediated experience between host and guest that intensify the sense of outsidedness felt by each group, which
in turn create stereotypes.
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Bob McKercherEmail: |
3.
‘International commitments pay’ could be the mantra of the current literature on international organisations: tying their hands at the international level is a means for governments to push through politically costly, but ultimately welfare‐enhancing reforms. It is argued in this article that this logic has a limit, which can be empirically observed. Past a given point, further depth of integration increases odds of backsliding. This belief is tested in the context of accession to an institution whose rules have been heavily scrutinised: the World Trade Organization (WTO). Countries with low rule of law are imposed a risk premium in the form of demands for deeper concessions, making ‘over‐committing’ possible. This relationship is used to assess the extent to which deeper commitments lead to backsliding. Industry‐level analysis supports these beliefs: deep commitments lead to increased odds of backtracking through a range of legal and extra‐legal mechanisms. Ambitious international commitments can backfire. 相似文献
4.
George Hoberg 《Journal of Comparative Policy Analysis》2001,3(2):191-217
This article evaluates the environmental criticisms of free trade that have been such an important part of the critique of globalization. The first section briefly surveys the range of criticisms environmentalists have brought against the new economic order. The second section examines the available literature on the race to the bottom, one of the key concerns. The third section analyzes the World Trade Organization trade rules and how they have been interpreted by dispute resolution panels involving environmental issues. The fourth section turns to the specific rules of the North American Free Trade Agreement and examines several case studies of environmental issues in that region. The final section provides a summary evaluation of the environmental criticisms. The article argues that the environmental criticisms are exaggerated. Trade agreements leave far more room for domestic environmental measures than is frequently argued. The political globalization of the environmental movement has helped counter the threat to environmental policy created by the economic and trade aspects of globalization. Environmentalists do need to be careful about how they advance this critique of globalization, however, because their arguments risk becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy. 相似文献
5.
Erik Cohen 《Society》2008,45(4):330-333
Tourism, a domain of considerable importance in the contemporary world, has long been overlooked by social scientists, but
has recently become a field attracting a growing body of research. In sociology, the relation between tourism and modernity
at first constituted the issue of principal interest, the discourse focusing on the extent to which modern Western tourists
seek authentic experiences on their trip. The article discusses the changes in the terms of the discourse, contingent upon
the growing similarity of the world in the wake of globalization, the emergence of the “post-tourist,” and the diversification
in the composition of tourists, with the growth in the number of travelers from non-Western countries. The question of the
limits of the future expansion of the tourist system is raised in conclusion.
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Erik CohenEmail: |
6.
论文结合当前社会对旅游电子商务人才的需要,总结了旅游电子商务实践教学的方法,阐述了旅游电子商务实践教学的内容,进而提出了完善旅游电子商务实践教学的措施。 相似文献
7.
湖湘文化作为湖南的文化象征,深深地影响着现代湖南城市旅游业的发展,特别是省会城市长沙旅游业的发展。本文试从区域文化与现代旅游业发展的角度,立足对四大区域文化之一的湖湘文化和湖湘学的阐述,挖掘湖湘文化的精髓,并就湖湘文化对长沙旅游文化的构建和影响进行分析,对长沙的湖湘文化影响地进行系统归类,为长沙旅游业的健康发展提供服务。 相似文献
8.
Benjamin Yeung 《The Pacific Review》2013,26(5):635-660
Abstract This article looks at the Chinese debate on economic security during the period between 1997 and 2004. The contemporary concept of economic security (jingji anquan, 经济安全) was first raised in the Chinese academic literature in 1997, partly as a reaction to the Asian financial crisis and partly due to the increasing role China began to play in globalization, the effects of which it increasingly felt as its economy became more integrated with that of the world. This article examines the emergence of the discourse on economic security within Chinese academic circles, and identifies the development of this concept in China between 1997 and 2004 prior to the ascendancy of the ‘fourth-generation’ leadership. 相似文献
9.
中国入世十年来发展成就巨大,也面临着越来越多的贸易摩擦,主要原因之一就是中国企业对国际贸易规则和法律的认知及运用还有待提高.在认识和了解国际规则、增强国际规则意识的基础上,中国还应当加强对国际规则的运用,更要参与完善旧的国际规则体系. 相似文献
10.
While the economic rise of new powers, frequently identified as the ‘BRICs’ (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), has been dramatic, the implications of this emerging multipolarity for global economic governance are not clear. In this paper, we address the question: can the diffusion of power among a greater diversity of countries result in the creation of a new global economic order—a Pax Mosaica—to succeed the Pax Americana of the previous century? Our argument proceeds in four steps. First, we provide a brief overview of the achievements and limitations of the system that was established at the end of World War II, and lasted for over half a century in the form of Pax Americana. In the second section, we investigate the emergence of multipolarity, and highlight the opportunities and costs that this generates. In the third section, we explore the routes whereby the changing balance of power might be harnessed towards the creation of a Pax Mosaica. We do so by posing four sets of questions, which must be answered if the mosaic distribution of power is to lead to greater economic stability, growth, and peace. The fourth section concludes the paper with ideas for reform with reference to the World Trade Organization, the Bretton Woods institutions, and the G20. 相似文献
11.
《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):265-284
ABSTRACT In the middle of 2003, disagreement over the safety of the oral polio vaccine pitted ordinary citizens and community leaders in the predominantly Muslim north of Nigeria against the World Health Organization, the United Nations Children's Fund and Nigeria's federal authorities. During the crisis that ensued, five northern states (Niger, Bauchi, Kano, Zamfara and Kaduna) banned the use of the controversial vaccine on children in their respective domains. Underpinning Obadare's paper is the assumption that the immunization crisis is best understood after considering developments in the broader politico-religious contexts, both local and global. Thus, he locates the controversy as a whole against the background of the deepening interface between health and politics. He suggests that the crisis is best seen as emanating from a dearth of trust in social intercourse between ordinary citizens and the Nigerian state on the one hand, and between the same citizens and international health agencies and pharmaceutical companies on the other. The analysis of trust is historically embedded in order to illuminate the dynamics of relations among the identified actors. 相似文献
12.
Gregory Shaffer 《Regulation & Governance》2015,9(1):1-15
The World Trade Organization (WTO) arguably shapes regulatory governance in more countries to a greater extent than any other international organization. This article provides a new framework for assessing the broader transnational regulatory implications of the WTO as part of a transnational legal order (TLO) in terms of four dimensions of regulatory change that permeate the state: (i) changes in the boundary between the market and the state (involving concomitantly market liberalization and growth of the administrative state); (ii) changes in the relative authority of institutions within the state (promoting bureaucratized and judicialized governance); (iii) changes in professional expertise engaging with state regulation (such as the role of lawyers); and (iv) changes in normative frames and accountability mechanisms for national regulation (which are trade liberal and transnational in scope). In practice, these four dimensions of change interact and build on each other. The article presents what we know to date and a framework for conducting further study of such transnational legal ordering. 相似文献
13.
This paper attempts to go beyond actor‐centered explanations of the European Union's (EU) presence in regulatory politics by examining the role of the EU in the diffusion of regulatory norms and practices. We explore the international diffusion of public procurement policy, to which multiple organizations and especially the EU and the World Trade Organization have made an active contribution. Using the “opportunity‐presence‐capability” scheme, we argue that the EU is actively co‐shaping the global agenda on public procurement, mainly as a result of the “opportunity” and “presence” dimensions of its global actorness and its role in the horizontal diffusion of public procurement regulations between international organizations. For “EU as a global actor” literature to offer valuable explanations, an in‐depth analysis of its relationship with other international organizations, such as the World Trade Organization, reveals significant interactions and the co‐shaping of policy agendas. 相似文献
14.
This paper explores the political structures suitable for the realization of John Rawls’ The Law of Peoples (1999). In particular, it explores whether Rawls’ principles and fundamental foundations recommend establishing global institutions and, if so, whether, and in what sense, these institutions should be democratic. It is often suggested, either implicitly or explicitly, that The Law of Peoples would operate through the bilateral and multilateral interactions of, ideally conceived, nation-states. This paper argues, on the contrary, that it would advise a series of democratic global institutions. The case is developed with respect to the idea of a global institution with the remit of regulating international trade and applied, in the contemporary context, to the World Trade Organization (WTO). 相似文献
15.
Suneel Gupta Neerja Pande Thangaraja Arumugam M. A. Sanjeev 《Journal of Public Affairs (14723891)》2023,23(1):e2842
Organizational reputation is critical for successful stakeholder engagement. A crisis can affect the organizational reputation and alter stakeholder perception about organizations. The current study investigates the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic and its management on the World Health Organization's (WHO's) reputation among Indian public health professionals (PHPs). The study applies the situational crisis communication theory (SCCT) model to investigate the reputational impact of the pandemic on WHO among the study subjects. The study results indicate that most Indian PHPs attribute the current Pandemic to WHO. Their current reputation has dropped compared to their earlier reputation among Indian PHPs. The same is reflected in their behavioral intent, with the PHP's willingness to follow WHO guidelines on public health issues significantly reduced. The study also finds empirical support for the SCCT Model. 相似文献
16.
《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(2):184-203
AbstractThe literature on transnational civil society tends to treat civil society organizations (CSOs) as independent actors, accomplishing policy change largely through moral force or popular pressure. However, a significant portion of CSO successes in policy advocacy actually utilizes alliances with state actors. To understand the implications of this ‘state channel’ of CSO influence, we develop a new model of CSO use of state influence. We identify four factors that determine whether the state channel is accessible for CSOs to use and is likely to produce more effective CSO influence than direct CSO engagement with the international organization (IO): the porousness of the targeted states and IOs, the availability of contacts, the possibility for alignment of interests, and the relative power of aligned state and IO contacts. We illustrate this theory using four case studies of civil society engagement: two case studies involving the World Bank and two involving the Association of Southeast Asian Nations. Our analysis suggests that the factors determining CSOs' successful use of the state channel currently tend to favour a small number of well-resourced, reformist CSOs from porous and powerful states. 相似文献
17.
通过对国家级历史文化名城汉中市的旅游产业发展现状进行分析与反思,提出在交通便利、全国旅游产业整体大发展的背景下,汉中市应当抓住机遇,集中有限的人力、物力、财力资源打造全国知名的历史名胜景点,以兼具风景、历史、蜀道资源的长青华阳景区的旅游开发带动汉中市全市整体的旅游产业发展,再以整体的旅游发展来促进特定景点继续提高质量、扩大影响。此种方式适用于各方面资源有限的中小历史文化名城的旅游开发。 相似文献
18.
Kirsten Rodine‐Hardy 《政策研究评论》2015,32(5):517-537
Since the 1990s over 158 countries established pro‐market reforms in telecommunications—a fast pace for such a drastic change. For example, Sweden and Botswana, two nations vastly different across multiple dimensions, both liberalized their telecom sectors. Why did so many countries adopt liberal reforms in such a short period of time? Conventional wisdom highlights the role of global markets and technology, powerful states, global diffusion, and domestic politics. I argue that contrary to these claims, diffusion through key international organizations is the critical and overlooked factor in explaining rapid global convergence of pro‐market telecom reforms. Using an original dataset for 189 countries between 1970 and 2003 and event history analysis, I demonstrate that membership in key liberal trading organizations, especially the WTO and the OECD, increases the likelihood that countries will adopt liberal pro‐market reforms in telecommunications. These results speak directly to current public policy debates about the reregulation of global markets and bridges the literatures of policy diffusion, institutional design, and regulatory regimes. 相似文献
19.
Dave D'Alessio 《Electoral Studies》1997,16(4):489-500
The role of the World Wide Web in the 1996 US election was analyzed from three perspectives: receiver, source, and effects. A test Web site was set up to provide political information, and the pattern of use indicates that users seemed more interested in seeking news than in deciding how to vote. An analysis of campaign characteristics and subsequent votes indicates that the higher the office being sought, the more likely a campaign is to have a supporting Web site, and that having a Web site was also associated, for one reason or another, with a statistically significant number of additional votes on the average. 相似文献
20.
本文运用实践社会学的研究方法,试图把握农民工在城市生活的实践逻辑。根据布迪厄四大资本类型将实践世界分析性地划分为经济世界、社会世界、文化世界和象征世界,运用统一的数学语言和术语提炼出了四大实践逻辑:经济世界的非线性逻辑、社会世界的同心圆逻辑、文化世界的临界点或者拐点逻辑和象征世界的坐标系逻辑。 相似文献