Specific Purpose Programs in Human Services and Health: Moving from an Input to an Output and Outcome Focus

The content and control mechanisms of specific purpose programs are regularly under review, currently through processes associated with the Council of Australian Governments (COAG), with most proposals for reform in this area arguing for a shift to a focus on outputs or outcomes. This article reviews the place and role of specific purpose programs in the human services and health field, and identifies four issues which need to be addressed as part of any refocus onto outputs and outcomes. The four issues are: specification of objectives; measurement of outputs and/or outcomes; mechanisms for ensuring accountability to consumers; and systems of sanctions and rewards.     

马克思实践唯物主义对人的主体性的解释及当代意义

近代哲学确立了人的主体性的地位,随着当今社会的发展和出现的问题,后现代主义者提出了消解主体性的口号.对主体性能否消解这一问题,可以从马克思实践唯物主义角度做出科学的解释.对当今所面对的生态危机、人与人关系的恶化以及和谐社会的构建问题,马克思实践唯物主义对人的主体性思想的解释具有重要的当代意义.     

马克思宗教观的历史唯物主义性质思考

马克思主义宗教观诞生的根本标志,就应该是对于无产阶级作为世界历史的主导力量的确认;而对无产阶级历史地位的深化也是推动历史唯物主义宗教观发展的内在原因。马克思政治经济学批判以哲学批判所揭示的无产阶级历史地位为逻辑起点,是对成熟的资产阶级意识形态的批判,是哲学批判的发展完善。批判政治经济学,就是批判资产阶级意识形态的现代宗教的本质,只有在理解了宗教和资本合流的历史前提下,才能理解马克思的唯物史观,为什么把反对宗教看做反对资本统治必须完成的一个任务来对待。试图立足于马克思关于无产阶级的世界历史使命的辩证统一性来讨论马克思宗教观的唯物史性质及其发展过程。     

Moving from national to international environmental policy

Environmental problems will increasingly spill over national boundaries. An effective and efficient response to these problems will require international solutions; relying purely on national regulatory mechanisms to address global issues will not suffice. To meet this need, better international environmental programs must be developed that maximize collective gain, enforce property rights, address the range of environmental values present in different countries, and fairly determine who should pay for global-scale pollution control.     

从《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》看马克思的实践唯物主义

马克思主义哲学是以马克思对实践的科学理解为基础的。《关于费尔巴哈的提纲》的发表标志着马克思开始与旧唯物主义彻底决裂,形成了自己新的世界观,创立了以科学实践观为基础的实践唯物主义。实践唯物主义的创立在马克思主义发展史上具有重大的里程碑意义。     

浅议《艺概》所体现出的儒家思想——主要以《诗概》为例

清朝刘熙载的《艺概》是我国古代文艺批评领域的一部杰作,他以语录体、随笔式的自由自在的独特写法传达了他博大精深的文艺美学理论,但也可明显看出,《艺概》受传统的儒家思想影响颇深,甚至可以说儒家思想是刘熙载写作《艺概》的指导思想。     

提高人综合素质的历史唯物主义考量

针对目前社会对提高人综合素质的呼唤,首先探讨了提高人综合素质的历史唯物主义依据,接着分析了综合素质的内涵,最后简要列举了提高人综合素质的历史唯物主义措施。     

从唯物史观视角把握构建和谐社会思想

构建和谐社会重要思想是对马克思主义基本原理认识的深化。构建和谐社会是社会形态理论在社会主义初级阶段的必然要求,是对唯物史观社会结构理论的整体把握,是“社会是人同自然界的统一”思想的深刻表达,是群众史观的现实应用。     

社会主义在中国的实践及历史唯物主义的反思

概述社会主义在中国的实践,论述了中国选择社会主义制度的必然性;以辩证唯物主义的基本方法揭示了社会主义与资本主义的本质区别,反思了历史唯物主义的合理性及精髓;并针对人的全面发展、民主政治、人文精神等若干理论热点、焦点进行解析与解读。     

Public spheres on the move: the embodied deliberation of cycling in Los Angeles

ABSTRACT

Across Los Angeles, mass bike events have exploded in popularity and regularly stop cars to allow thousands of bodies to move together through the city. We argue that such “mobility events” are shared physical practices that embody political deliberation. By challenging dominant regimes of power, they create public spheres “on the move”, concretely and conceptually. While these publics have emancipatory potential, this potential is ambivalent because embodied practices can still reinforce social divisions. Our interdisciplinary approach, in conjunction with interpretive methodologies, contributes to the mobilities and political science literatures by tying together the structural factors and everyday practices at play in sociopolitical phenomena.     

走向全面革新的老挝

在老挝人民革命党的领导下,老挝人民在社会主义的道路上经历了社会主义改造、初步发展以及不断探索调整的曲折发展历程。在经受苏东剧变等严峻考验之后,老党经过认真反思,把马列主义同老挝国情进一步相结合,继续全西深入地推进改革事业,领导老挝人民继续沿着革新开放的社会主义道路不断前进。经历了各种风雨的老挝人民革命党理论不断走向成熟,力量也不断得以壮大。     

行业改革失灵:中国走向“善治”的反面

源于20世纪70年代兴起于上世纪90年代的治理理论短时间内成为主流思想在许多地方泛滥成灾,并被众多国内学者当作行业改革进入瓶颈期后的唯一救命良方,但实践证明以多元共治作为理论支撑的行业体制改革并没有实现良好的治理,行业改革徒具形式。因此我们必须重新审视多元共治和多维互动的行业治理理论之于中国行业改革的普适性,以期实现行业改革的善治。     

'Protest' and Fail to Survive: Le Pen and the Great Moving Right Show

This article challenges the widespread belief that the recent success of Jean-Marie Le Pen and the Front National is due to a 'protest vote' on the part of the French electorate, a vote which thus lacks any 'core identity' and is therefore unsustainable in the long term. Through a geographical and sociological breakdown of the 2002 presidential and legislative elections the article first shows the extent to which support for Le Pen is clearly not a 'protest' but has a clear and recognisable base. Following this, the article aims to situate the notion of the 'protest vote' in the wider context of the continued 'moving right show' in contemporary social democracy.