当代西方社会融合研究的概念、理论及应用

尽管社会融合一直为社会学家、心理学家、政策分析家和政策制定者们所关注,但社会融合的定义还比较纷杂,其理论也缺乏一贯性,一般被视为多维度现象或多参数的潜变量.根据研究对象和目的的不同,将相关研究区分为实证研究和政策应用两个研究领域;依据关注层次的不同,将社会融合的研究归纳为个体层次、群体层次和整体层次等三个层次.以此为脉络,首先介绍了社会融合在社会学、社会心理学和政策研究中的概念;其次,对社会融合由来已久的"同化论"与"多元化"之间的争议进行了回顾,并评述了社会融合和社会网络理论之间的关系;再次,总结了社会融合的测量方法及其在实证研究和政策研究中的应用情况;最后指出社会融合时中国转型社会背景下相关研究的借鉴意义,并对其在中国的应用前景进行了讨论.     

Welfare Reform: Assessing its Political, Economic, and Social Effects

Books reviewed: Rebecca M. Blank, It Takes a Nation: A New Agenda for Fighting Poverty Anne Marie Cammisa, From Rhetoric to Reform?: Welfare Policy in AmericanPolitics Martha Shirk, Neil G. Bennett, and J. Lawrence Aber, Lives on the Line: American Families and the Struggle to Make Ends Meet Robert M. Solow, Work and Welfare     

The Italian State,its Regions and the Virus

Italian politics has always been characterised by deep regional divides. While the north and centre are well integrated into the European economy, southern regions struggle to keep up their productivity and employment levels. Although this divide has a long history, the Covid-19 crisis is set to worsen the inequality separating the two parts of the country. This article looks at how the coronavirus pandemic immediately assumed a regional dimension, which was reflected not only in the geography of the contagion, but also in how the central state struggled to manage the contrasting demands coming from northern and southern regions. Although the north has been the epicentre of the health crisis, the south is set to pay the highest economic and social price for the lockdown measures. The conclusion suggests that, while the Covid crisis has confirmed the salience of regional divides for Italian politics, it might also strengthen autonomist forces.     

Crisis over,G20 struggles to prove its utility

It is four years since, in the midst of the 2008 financial crisis, the Group of 20 (G20) was created as a key forum for global governance. But despite its initial promise as a useful means of marshalling a coordinated response to the crisis, cooperation among G20 governments has since become more difficult as they focus on domestic economic and political issues, and the body's effectiveness has declined.     

浅谈铁路公安机关行政执法中存在的问题、原因及对策

本文通过对铁路公安机关行政执法中存在的问题及原因的分析,提出了加强铁路公安机关行政执法工作的对策.     

A place at the table: Policy analysis,its postpositive critics,and future of practice

Postpositivist critics have brought a new stridency to the ongoing discourse about the nature, applications, and usefulness of policy analysis. Regrettably, their critique is based on a decontextualized caricature, virtually a parody, of policy analysis training and practice. Their assertions are chilling but false, ideological rather than analytical, and detached from the inconvenient realities of policy making and management. Far from being narrowly technocratic and scientistic, policy analysis is dedicated to improving the craft of governance. It is fueled by intuition, argument, and ethical promptings; clearly engaged with the world of political action; and often identified with interests and values otherwise unrepresented at the table. Q‐methodology and other approaches to values identification and analysis can be important contributors to policy analysis practice, but postpositivists have a very long way to go if they are to be relevant to the practical challenges of democratic governance that arise in the many roles that working policy analysts perform. © 1999 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management.     

社会福利指数、政府支出规模及其结构优化

政府支出规模及其结构优化应以提高社会福利水平而不是以经济增长为其最终目标。构建了政府支出与消费、社会福利之间的理论分析模型,利用优化控制理论与方法,从理论上论证了在最大社会福利的基础上存在最优政府支出规模与支出结构安排,设计了衡量社会福利水平的新指标,并以此指标为基础,利用中国1982年—2005年的年度数据,对政府支出规模及其结构优化进行计量分析。其基本结论是:我国政府支出规模及其各种单项支出与社会福利指数之间存在较强的相关性,为满足我国不断增加的公共服务需求,应增加政府支出规模,优化政府支出的内部结构体系,即适度提高中央政府支出在政府总支出中所占的比重,减少投资性支出和行政管理支出,增加以教育、公共卫生、公共安全、社会保障为主体的公共服务性支出,以促进我国社会福利水平的提高。     

Aggregation technology of common goods and its strategic consequences: Global warming,biodiversity, and siting conflicts

Abstract. The analysis of common goods needs to look closely at the characteristics of the goods in question and the social situations in which they are provided. Different characteristics lead to different strategic constellations and therefore to different opportunities for institutional solutions to the problems of provision. Basic differences in strategic constellations can be shown clearly by employing matrix games. In this paper a particular attribute of common goods, their aggregation technology, is systematically analyzed. Three variations in this dimension are exemplified by cases from environmental policy. It becomes clear that the analysis of one specific attribute of a good will seldom suffice to predict empirical behavior. Nevertheless, rigorous game theoretic analysis provides valuable insights into the links between the characteristics of common goods and the need for institutions.     

Aggregation technology of common goods and its strategic consequences: Global warming, biodiversity, and siting conflicts

The analysis of common goods needs to look closely at the characteristics of the goods in question and the social situations in which they are provided. Different characteristics lead to different strategic constellations and therefore to different opportunities for institutional solutions to the problems of provision. Basic differences in strategic constellations can be shown clearly by employing matrix games. In this paper a particular attribute of common goods, their aggregation technology, is systematically analyzed. Three variations in this dimension are exemplified by cases from environmental policy. It becomes clear that the analysis of one specific attribute of a good will seldom suffice to predict empirical behavior. Nevertheless, rigorous game theoretic analysis provides valuable insights into the links between the characteristics of common goods and the need for institutions.     

Attrition in the new beneficiary survey and followup, and its correlates

Panel surveys interview the same individuals more than once over a period of time. Attrition from the survey occurs when those individuals die, refuse to be interviewed again, or, for some other reason, cannot be contacted. If the original sample was representative of a specific population, then survey analysis may provide misleading conclusions about changes in population characteristics over time if these individuals leave the sample in a nonrandom way. Therefore, it is important to identify the characteristics of individuals who leave the survey for various reasons. This article explores the extent of and reasons for attrition in the New Beneficiary Survey (NBS) between the first interview in 1982 and the followup interview in 1991. Presented is a comparison of the characteristics of survivors (the reinterviewed sample) with attriters (those in the sample not reinterviewed) from the retired-worker and disabled-worker samples. The article explores a variety of potential determinants of attrition to the probability of attrition. These determinants are examined alone and in a multivariate framework. The NBS sample population is drawn from and linked to Social Security Administrative records, which have exact matched data on mortality as a cause of attrition. These data do not depend on survey-reported reasons for attrition; hence, it allows the examination of the differences in the patterns and predictors of attrition due to death and due to other reasons, primarily, the refusal to be interviewed. Attrition due to death must be identified precisely because misidentification of death as refusal to be interviewed may lead researchers to infer more selective attrition than might be the case. Different patterns of attrition are evident in the comparison of attrition levels and the determinants of attrition for the retired and disabled samples, both composed of persons with relatively high mortality risk. In particular, individuals' health, health insurance coverage, and level of education have different impacts on their likelihood of attrition. In general, it appears that refusal to be interviewed is more evenly spread across populations and characteristics than is death. The analysis shows that attrition due to death and attrition due to refusal are quite different processes, even though health conditions play a role in both processes. The results suggest that because attrition patterns (including death) may be quite different across population samples, sample-specific attrition patterns must be analyzed over the lifetime of any panel study. Long-term studies of panel attrition are necessary to provide researchers analyzing the data with information on potential biases due to nonrandom attrition.     

论行政复议的功能与构造——历史、现状与改进构想

在我国行政复议制度发展历史中,其基本功能长期以来被确定为内部监督和自我纠错.在当下行政纠纷日益激增的情形下,这种功能定位与现实需求之间的缺口已逐渐显现,因此,行政复议的基本功能应当向解决纠纷转变,以实现制度存在与制度效能的正向关系.功能的实现需要有相应的制度机制,当行政复议的功能定位于纠纷解决之后,独立性的复议机构、司法性的复议程序以及多元化的复议方式便是其应然内容.     

Harry and Meghan Shine a Light on Monarchy,and its Demands

The Netflix documentary Harry and Meghan conveys the impression that they have been uniquely victimised. But the difficulties they have faced are shared by all the royal families of Europe. It is monarchy which is unique, in the extraordinary demands which it makes of close members of the royal family. They lack freedoms which ordinary citizens take for granted: privacy; free choice of career; freedom of speech; freedom to marry whom they like; freedom of religion; and freedom to travel. It is not surprising if individual royals wish to escape the gilded cage. But as Harry and Meghan have shown, opting out is easier said than done.     

Federalism,regionalism, nationalism: A century of Catalan political thought and its implications for Scotland in Europe

Although on Spain's periphery, Catalonia has often held a central position in Spanish politics. In dealing with the Catalan question, politicians in Madrid and Barcelona have had to grapple with different models of state structures. Some have even attempted to consider the issue in terms of greater European solutions. At the end of the 20th century, Europe's regions are having to consider their role not just within the traditional states, but also within the new European framework. The Scottish movement has now found itself in a position to affect British politics. The long tradition of Catalan thought on statecraft, and the influence Catalonia has had on the Spanish state, can serve as useful examples for the traditionally more marginalised Scots. Both Scots and Catalans face the question of defining their own identity, the identity of the state and the identity of Europe. In two decades of British politics, the SNP has also shifted to define itself within a greater European context.     

Malaysia: perception of contemporary China and its economic,political and societal determinants

This article looks at the Malaysian perception of the contemporary rise of China by focusing more on the country’s societal response rather than from a broad overall perspective of international strategic relations and diplomacy. The Malaysian society is seen as a complex multi-entity construct, constituted by often sharply differentiated fragments and sub-fragments which could exhibit vastly different responses to the implications of the rise of China. Within such a construct, perception of the rise of China and the appropriate Malaysian response are intricately entwined with domestic power politics, generational transition and governmental control over public discourse. Hence, the Malaysian perception of the contemporary rise of China is as complex as the Malaysian society itself, and what is revealed in official government policies and public discourses in the dominant mass media would fail to reflect the real depth of the issue if the intrinsic complexity of the Malaysian society is not taken into due consideration.     

How America disguises its violence: colonialism,mass incarceration,and the need for resistant imagination

ABSTRACT

This paper examines how a delusive social imaginary of criminal-justice has underpinned contemporary U.S. mass incarceration and encouraged widespread indifference to its violence. I trace the complicity of this criminal-justice imaginary with state-organized violence by comparing it to an imaginary that supported colonial violence. I conclude by discussing how those of us outside of prison can begin to resist the entrenched images and institutions of mass incarceration by engaging the work and imagining the perspective of incarcerated people.