老子"欲不欲"的理欲观

在中国历史上,老子第一个深入地探索了宇宙的本根问题,建立了以"道法自然"为基础的理论体系,提出了与"自然"之道相应的"欲不欲"的理欲观,并把它贯彻到人生的各个方面.老子的理欲观既具有唯物的、辩证的特点,又具有唯心的、形而上学的局限性,它对后代理欲观的影响是多方面的.     

改革关键期从政价值取向的偏差与矫正——基于风险社会理论的视角

从风险社会理论的视角看,我国改革关键期从政者中出现的"双重人格"、"权力期权化"及"裸官"等价值取向偏差,既是受传统社会关系结构及现行政治权力结构的影响,又是在现代化特征影响下对知识的反思性运用,也是群体文化心理认同偏差的结果。因此,矫正这一偏差要强化廉洁从政的思想教育、规范廉洁从政的制度约束和优化廉洁从政的权力监督。     

党员领导干部廉洁从政的8个禁止和52个不准

<正>中共中央近日印发的《中国共产党党员领导干部廉洁从政若干准则》,对党员领导干部廉洁从政进行了严格的规范,共有8个"禁止"、52个"不准",具有较强的针对性和可操作     

基层党员领导干部廉洁从政的对策研究

当前,基层党员领导干部能否廉洁从政,已成为党的建设和人民群众关注的热点问题,只有客观地分析基层党员领导干部廉洁从政存在的问题和原因,找出廉洁从政的对策,才能促进党的建设和领导干部的健康成长.     

中国共产党建设廉洁型执政党的理论认知和实践路径

反腐败和党风廉政建设的时代重任决定了建设廉洁型执政党是一种必然。建设廉洁型执政党是马克思主义经典作家的政治期待,是中国共产党一贯的政治追求,也是当前和今后全面从严治党,建设良性政治生态的内在诉求。在实践中,应从"廉洁修身——加强党员干部廉洁教化、廉洁用权——加强对权力运行的制约和监督、廉洁从政——纯洁党内政治生活、廉洁治家——培育清廉家风"等方面推动廉洁型执政党建设,从而保证我们党"不忘初心,继续前进",永远成为中国特色社会主义事业的坚强领导核心。     

清代廉政文化的奇葩——《陈宏谋家书》研究

正1997年出版的《陈宏谋家书》被社会各界评为与《曾国藩家书》齐名的"国宝家珍",反映了正史记载中未有的陈宏谋的廉政思想。《陈宏谋家书》所载的20封信件,凡是清初最高统治者特别提倡的清正、廉洁、勤政、务实四个方面的优良官风都写到了,甚为可贵。《陈宏谋家书》中的廉政思想,是一代名臣陈宏谋从政为官思想的集中反映,是清代康乾盛世廉政文化的杰出代表。陈宏     

廉洁从政与党的执政资源开发

廉洁从政对党的执政资源开发具有至关重要的作用,二者之间有内在的必然联系。廉洁执政生成了社会公信力这一核心资源,并为执政党输送着新的执政资源,带动着其他执政资源的产生和发展。新时期、新阶段,党的执政资源开发对廉洁从政提出了更高的要求,需要我们不断提高党的廉洁执政能力,以执政的实际成效取信于民,着眼执政资源开发强化廉洁从政,从而巩固党的执政地位和壮大党的执政基础。     

廉政文化的内涵和作用

一、什么是廉政文化廉政文化应该是以廉洁从政为思想内涵,以各种文化形式为载体和表现方式的一种文化,是廉政建设与文化建设相结合的产物,是一个社会价值取向的重要表现,也是社会文化建设的重要内容。因此,廉政文化,可以被定义为"人们关于廉洁从政的思想、信仰、知识、行为规范和与之相适应的生活     

加强作风建设践行"秉公用权、廉洁从政"

秉公用权、廉洁从政是对党的各级领导干部的基本要求。培育秉公用权、廉洁从政的作风,要增强领导干部的公仆意识,抓好勤政廉政风范的教育,并结合纠风和案件的查处工作进行。     

执政观辨识

科学执政、民主执政和依法执政是市场经济的必然要求。总体而论,改革开放以来,我们党执政水平有了很大提高,执政能力大为增强。但是,一些党员干部的执政观还存在某些片面认识。廉洁无私的片面认识。廉洁无私是领导干部从政的基本要求,也是组织和人民对领导干部监督的重点。自古以来清官就深受人民拥戴,清官的＂过错＂     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.