邓小平理论开辟马克思主义中国化的新阶段

邓小平理论是马克思主义理论与社会主义建设具体实际相结合的伟大历史性成果,是中国人民为实现共同富裕目标而努力奋斗的理论武器。邓小平理论创造性地回答了什么是社会主义这一基本的理论问题,指出不发达的社会主义阶段就是社会主义初级阶段,提出市场经济与社会主义制度相结合,能够更好地发挥社会主义制度的优越性。邓小平理论是马克思主义理论与时俱进的具体表现,邓小平理论开辟了马克思主义中国化的新阶段。     

社会主义初级阶段理论是邓小平理论的重要基石

20年前在全国范围内开展的真理标准大讨论，是一次空前的马克思主义思想教育运动，促进了社会主义初级阶段理论的产生。可以说，社会主义初级阶段理论是坚持马克思主义解放思想、实事求是思想路线的结晶。社会主义初级阶段理论，是邓小平同志又方当代中国基本国情的科学判断，是建立有中国特色社会主义理论的立论基础，是邓小平理论的重要基石。正是在这一理论指导下，我们党制定了社会主义初级阶段的基本路线、基本纲领，引导中国社会朝着富强、民主。文明的目标迈进，取得举世瞩目的伟大成就。社会主义初级阶段理论是邓小平理论的重要基石…     

1978—2021:社会主义初级阶段理论的提出、深化和新发展

社会主义初级阶段理论是中国特色社会主义理论大厦的基石,也是中国共产党推动马克思主义中国化百年进程中取得的最具创新性的思想理论成果之一。回顾社会主义初级阶段理论孕育、确立和不断深化的过程,考察这个理论在新时代的新发展,对于进一步加深对"当代中国的最大国情、最大实际"的认识,科学把握和研判社会主义初级阶段自身演进成长的历史逻辑、内在机理及趋向,在新时代更好坚持和发展中国特色社会主义,具有重要的理论和现实意义。     

马克思主义生态思想中国化探析

马克思恩格斯在人与自然关系的理论阐述以及对资本主义制度的批判与未来社会主义的论述中,已经内在地蕴含了生态政治的观念,形成了马克思主义的生态政治思想。马克思主义中国化理论的生态政治思想是马克思主义生态政治思想的继承与发展,从中国社会主义初级阶段的国情与实际出发,形成了毛泽东思想的生态政治思想与中国特色社会主义理论的生态政治思想,这些生态思想具体表现在关于人与自然、国家治理与建设方面,以及国际关系方面的生态政治思想。     

改革开放三十年所有制结构理论发展的特点

在改革开放三十年里，中国共产党把马克思主义基本原理与中国实际相结合，在认真总结历史经验教洲的基础上，对我国社会主义初级阶段所有制结构问题进行了大胆而艰苦的探索，基本形成了适应社会主义市场经济要求的所有制理论。     

从党的基本路线的形成看我党对马克思主义学风的继承与发扬

马克思主义学风的核心即理论联系实际，实事求是。十一届三中全会以来，我们党努力恢复和发扬马克思主义的优良学风，解放思想，实事求是，学以致用，在探索什么是社会主义和怎样建设社会主义的伟大实践中，取得了许多理论建树和实践经验。党在社会主义初级阶段的基本路线...     

对社会主义初级阶段经济的几点认识

对社会主义初级阶段经济特征的理论概括,不能完全根据科学社会主义创始人在100多年前的构想,只能从中国和其它社会主义国家的实际出发。根据这个原则,我认为,现实的社会主义初级阶段的经济,有这样一些特点: 一、初具规模的社会化大生产体系是社会主义初级阶段的物质前提。社会主义要成为一种现实的社会制度就只能建立在一定的物质基础之上。马克思主义的创始人正是以此出发来研究社会主义的形成与发展的。足以决定社会经济命脉的社会化大生产体系的形成,是社会     

紧紧把握当代中国最大的实际

社会主义初级阶段理论在社会性质和社会发展阶段这两个根本问题上，对当代中国的基本国情作出了科学的判断，深刻地把握住了当代中国最大的实际，从而不仅对马克思主义作出了新的发展，而且为当代中国前无古人的社会主义改革开放提供了最根本的依据，同时也成为我们党制定路线、方针、政策的根本出发点。全面深刻地理解江泽民总书记在十五大报告中进一步强调的中国现在处于并将长期处于社会主义初级阶段的论述，具有十分重要的现实意义。一、进一步强调社会主义初级阶段理论，关系到能否坚持党的实事求是的思想路线和高举邓小平理论往帜这一…     

马克思的东方社会学说与中国的社会主义初级阶段理论

中国的社会主义初级阶段理论是马克思主义发展史上的伟大创造。从表象上看,这一理论似乎与传统理解的唯物史观和社会主义学说之间的联系不很紧密,它更多地体现了对传统观念的反思和突破。然而,由于近年来马克思著作中鲜为人知的东方社会学说日益被发掘出来,人们发现马克思的这一学说与当代中国的社会主义初级阶段理论有着某种天然的联系。在中     

中国共产党的伟大理论贡献

百年来,中国共产党坚持马克思主义与中国实际相结合,领导人民取得了革命、建设和改革开放的伟大成就,同时坚持理论创新,为马克思列宁主义的丰富与发展做出了卓越的理论贡献。新民主主义革命和社会主义建设的理论贡献包括:农村包围城市、武装夺取政权理论;新民主主义革命理论;丰富和发展了党的建设理论与统一战线理论;社会主义国家根本制度理论;对中国社会主义建设道路的探索。改革开放大政方针和中国特色社会主义的理论贡献包括:社会主义初级阶段理论;社会主义本质和改革开放动力理论;社会主义初级阶段基本经济制度理论;社会主义市场经济体制理论;政治体制改革和社会主义民主建设理论;“三个代表”重要思想;科学发展观和对外开放理论。新时代中国特色社会主义思想的理论贡献包括:中国特色社会主义建设基本方略;社会主义新发展阶段理论;丰富和发展了加强党的领导理论;强化以人民为中心的理念;我国社会主要矛盾变化理论;推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化理论;总体国家安全观理论;构建人类命运共同体理论。     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.