从触及灵魂到触动利益——思想政治教育的社会合作之维

我国的改革正值社会转型的深水区,其难度便是要触动既得利益,正如李克强总理所说:"触动利益比触动灵魂还要难",思想政治教育如何在这一问题上发挥新的正能量?那就是转型。思想政治教育的转型与真实落实,依赖于社会结构的推动与契合,它既要从思想政治教育自身发展的困境进行考察,也要基于社会转型的必然要求去探究,以克服单一的视角、静态的特征和二元对立的思维。这种转型是一个从关注思想政治教育静态结构转向关注其在社会结构演变的动态过程;是一个从关注精英与草根断裂的社会事实转向介入与推动社会结构优化的过程,从而获取一种调和二元对立还事物逻辑于本身的理论视角。当下社会转型时期,市场作为一种经济运作方式本身并不能解决社会稳定问题。思想政治教育这种非制度化的解决问题的思路,却提供了别样的立场、眼光、参照系等。本文以社会结构为载体探讨思想政治教育研究的新领域,从触及灵魂到触动利益,达到优化社会结构,为实现社会顺利转型、思想政治教育的变革提出新的理论支撑。     

坚持以社会主义核心价值体系引领社会思潮

在社会转型时期,我国社会思潮呈现多样化、结构失衡、总体发展中的混乱和无序等新特点。思想建设必须坚持社会主义核心价值体系的指导地位,以社会主义核心价值体系引领社会思潮,尊重差异,包容多样,最大限度形成社会思想共识,为构建社会主义和谐社会奠定坚实的思想基础。     

杜威教育思想形成的社会背景探析

19世纪末20世纪初,美国社会经历了一系列变化:工业化、城市化和新的移民潮。杜威正是生活在这样一个社会转型的时期,社会转型对社会各个方面都有影响,教育也不可避免,杜威正是对转型时期的教育问题进行深入思考,把实用主义哲学融入自己的教育实践中,形成了实用主义教育思想。     

社会转型期俄罗斯青年价值取向分析

苏联解体,俄罗斯发生急剧的社会转型。由于受国际社会思潮和国内的政治需要以及本国的文化传统的影响,政治、经济、文化和社会发生了巨大变化,随之带来的是青年价值观及价值取向的巨大变化。从政治、财富与消费、职业与婚恋等方面,分析俄罗斯青年价值取向的表现,进而考察社会转型对青年价值取向的影响及特点,有助于我国在社会转型期的思想政治教育。     

浅析朱熹的家庭伦理思想

朱熹是南宋著名理学家,他的理学思想里蕴含着丰富的家庭伦理思想。通过朱熹所处的时代进行分析,阐述了其家庭伦理思想产生的必然性。接着对他家庭伦理思想的内容进行较为全面的解读,包括父慈子孝、夫和妇柔、兄友弟恭,并发现其对当代中国社会主义建设和谐社会有着重要的借鉴意义。     

论思想政治工作与建设和谐社会

社会转型与分层 ,已经致使社会出现不和谐状况。对此 ,党的十六届四中全会提出建设社会主义和谐社会的奋斗目标。在和谐社会的建设过程中 ,必须首先加强思想政治工作 ,只有充分发挥思想政治工作的社会功能 ,才能使我们的社会和谐稳定地向前发展。     

建立健全高职院校思想政治教育教师思想导引机制

社会转型时期,高职院校思想政治教育教师面对思想多元化的浪潮,既要立足本职工作,宣传、贯彻国家的方针、政策,又要引导学生理性分析日趋复杂的社会现象,体现思想政治教育的理论性与实用性原则,坚定社会主义价值信仰。面对现实中的很多困难,须在科学发展观的的指引下,探索影响思想政治教育教师的内、外在社会因素,科学构建高职院校思想政治教育教师思想导引机制。     

公平正义与我国转型期群体性事件研究

公平正义是社会主义的首要价值。当代中国社会转型时期,多元利益与多元思想并存,各种冲突大量涌现,矛盾错综复杂,长期被忽略的社会公平问题也日益凸现出来。诱发群体性事件的一系列社会矛盾和问题相对集中在权利不公平、机会不平等、分配不公平和规则不公平等社会不公问题上。预防和根除群体性事件必须高度重视并逐步推进社会公平问题的解决。     

朱熹的廉政思想及其当代价值

在朱熹博大精深的理学体系中,蕴含着丰富的廉政思想。朱熹的廉政思想首先体现在"诚"这一哲学本体中,其主要内容包括仁民爱物救灾活民、刚直不阿严惩贪官、公私分明廉洁自律、宣明教化敦风化俗这四个方面。他关于存心、持敬、格物三个方面的修养之道也涵括廉政思想生成和强化的基本方式。朱熹的廉政思想的当代启示主要有:要始终保持对党、国家和人民的忠诚之心,要始终牢记全心全意为人民服务的宗旨意识,更要始终保持修身进德改过迁善的自我革命之心。     

试论社会转型时期的思想政治工作

在社会转型时期,思想政治工作面临更多的机遇与挑战.如何抓住机遇、迎接挑战是摆在思想政治工作者面前的新课题.唯有认真研究转型时期的思想脉象,方能增强思想政治工作者的使命感、责任感,不断优化、调适、创新思想政治工作路径,提升工作成效,为两个文明建设创造良好的社会环境.     

Tony Blair's 'Media' Speech: The Commentators

Tony Blair's speech challenged the media over its standards in his valedictory lecture. Many of his charges about the absence of balance, attacks on motive and a pack mentality stand up, even if some are exaggerated and also applied well before his arrival in 10 Downing Street. Mr Blair's solutions did ot match his critique. What is required is a more self‐questioning media, being held to account on the internet and on specialist blogging sites. Vigorous criticism, requiring justification, is a more credible rout than tighter regulation. Tony Blair's speech on the changing pressures on the media is both interesting and convincing in its diagnosis (although generally reported in ways that did not reveal this). It is less convincing in suggestions for change: the fact that on‐line media will fall under Of‐com, and so under its minimal ‘content regulation’ will have little impact. Effective change could begin with other types of (self or other regulation). Some steps towards change might include minimal requirements for journalists and editors to accept elementary forms of accountability, such as disclosing conflicts of interest and payments made for ‘stories’. The scale of media coverage may be crucial in determining the allocation of aid, yet the attention the media pays to particular causes is arbitrary. Many serious disasters are not reported and as a consequence do not receive adequate aid, so that the victims of the crisis will lose out. Chronic long term problems, like famine, are ignored in favour of ‘sudden emergencies’. Reporting seeks sensation and simple stories which influences the way that aid agencies respond to the media. The complex background to a faraway disaster is often overlooked and not properly reported. Tony Blair's speech describing some of the news media as ‘feral beasts’ contained one paragraph which contained an insight into his views on new media. It was known that the outgoing Prime Minister was uncomfortable with some aspects of new technology but his remarks reveal a wider disappointment with how new media has failed to deliver changes which he had hoped for in political communications.This paper records Mr Blair's problems with new media and argues that by focusing on how the new technologies might provide a better way for politicians to by‐pass the traditional media he has missed the point of their wider benefits.     

The Language of Race

The 1991 Census form for households in Great Britain included, for the first time, a question about ethnic group. The question had nine boxes, eight for named ethnic groups and one for 'any other'. One box had to be ticked for each member of the household. Brian Klug discusses his own reaction to the (so-called) ethnic question, and explains why, as a Jew of European extraction, he did not tick the box marked White. He examines several issues raised by the ethnic question, including the following: why this question is different from other questions on the form; the definition and use of the words 'racial' and 'ethnic'; the vocabulary of colour ('black', 'white' etc.) in the language of race; the idea that 'white' is an ethnic category; the claim that the ethnic question is an instrument for combatting racism; one proposal for improving the question by removing the 'racial' components in the categories.     

Guest editor's introduction

In 1933 the army of the nascent Iraqi state launched an exterminatory attack on members of the Assyrian community who had fled to Iraq during the First World War. 'The Assyrian affair' which at the time sent shock-waves around the world has now been largely forgotten. But an examination of its origins and causation reveals much about the nature and pattern of modern genocide. Levene argues that typecasting genocide as the outcome of prejudice, racism or even xenophobia, while these may be significant ingredients, proves to be insufficient as a comprehensive explanation. Rather, these factors need to be analysed within the context of an emerging international system of nation-states. This itself may be a factor in helping to catalyse the most extreme and radically ideological responses, especially from new and untried national elites seeking to overcome perceived obstacles to their state's development and genuine independence.     

道德规范表现形式的历史演进

道德规范的产生和形成,有着深刻的社会经济根源,是由一定的社会物质生活条件和社会关系决定的。道德规范随着社会的发展而不断发展,具有历史性和继承性。在人类漫长的道德生活中,道德规范曾有过形态各异的表现形式,大体可以概括为图腾、禁忌、礼仪、风俗、箴言、准则、义务、责任等几种主要的表现形武。道德规范表现形式的历史演进,是一个由蒙昧到理性、由自发到自觉、由低级到高级的发展过程。     

Canguilhem amid the cyborgs

George Canguilhem's 1947 lecture,‘Machine and organism’,is a rich source of ideas for thinking about the relationships between living organisms and machines. He takes all tools and machines to be extensions of the bodymand part of life itself (which does not make machines any more good or bad than every living organism is good or bad). These insights are updated with a discussion of cyborgs. An account is given of the original idea of the cyborg (Clynes and Kline 1960), and of its transformations in science fiction and at the hands of Donna Haraway and Andrew Pickering. Canguilhem is profoundly anti-Cartesian, but on account oshis vision of life which breaks down the old barriers between natural and artificial, mind and body, manufactured and created.     

The Accursed Share: Bataille as Historical Thinker

Abstract

This essay addresses Georges Bataille as a historical thinker by concentrating on The Accursed Share (three volumes, 1949-54), the text Bataille took as his master-work. An amalgam of cultural criticism, anthropological and sociological research, The Accursed Share reveals Bataille's temporalised vision of his four central ideas, excess, expenditure, sovereignty and transgression. Grappling with this vision is key for understanding Bataille's oeuvre as a whole because it brings the entirety of his assessments of Western and world culture under its heading. The aim of the paper is to offer a sense, on one hand, of Bataille's dystopic heterology and, on the other hand, the unique formulation of the junctures between economics, power and morality that define him as important for the irruption of post-structural thought specifically, and indeed, the postmodern era as a whole.     

Ethnic and religious variations in the reporting of racist victimization in Britain: 2000 and 2008/2009

The role of victimization in the generation of ethnic inequalities is increasingly acknowledged yet its impact on the lives of people with different religious affiliations remains underexplored. This is despite evidence of the importance of religion for forms of group identification and social mobilization. An exploration of the particular impact of religion as a focus for experiences of victimization may be particularly pertinent given the increasingly negative treatment of Muslim people since the riots in Britain of 2001, the terrorist incidents of 2001, 2004 and 2005 and the political and military responses to them. Cross-sectional analyses of data collected in 2000 and 2008/2009 explore whether there is evidence that the ethnic/religious patterning of reports of different forms of victimization have varied over time, after adjusting for the impact of age, gender, migration and socioeconomic differences between the groups. In 2000 Muslim people with different ethnic backgrounds were less likely, but by 2008/2009 were more likely, to report experiences of victimization than Caribbean Christians. However, the ethnic/religious patterning of perceptions of Britain as a ‘racist society’ were more consistent over time. This may suggest that, despite their increased exposure to victimization over the period, Muslim people in the United Kingdom have yet to experience the racialization characteristic of the treatment of Caribbean Christians, which requires a more prolonged exposure to racist negative attitudes. But this may be only a matter of time. The persistent expectation of poor treatment described by Caribbean Christians is testament to the difficulties of addressing these negative perceptions once racialized identities are embedded. Immediate action must be taken to prevent this occurring among other ethnic/religious minorities.     

Towards a democracy-centred ethics

Abstract

The core idea of this paper is that we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments to illuminate ethical problems. Democratic values, rights and institutions lie between the most abstract considerations of ethics and meta-ethics and the most particularised decisions, outcomes and contexts. Hence, this paper argues, we can use the differences between democratic and undemocratic governments, as we best understand them, to structure our theoretical investigations, to test and organise our intuitions and ideas, and to explain and justify our philosophical conclusions. Specifically, as we will see, a democracy-centred approach to ethics can help us to distinguish liberal and democratic approaches to political morality in ways that reflect the varieties of democratic theory, and the importance of distinguishing democratic from undemocratic forms of liberalism.