基于AHP与模糊综合评价的“四位一体”实践教学研究

对高校实践教学课程质量进行了量化分析,构建了"四位一体"实践教学课程体系综合评价指标体系,运用层次分析法AHP研究指标权重,运用模糊综合评价方法对"四位一体"实践教学体系质量进行评价和实证分析。为教育教学质量评价的量化工作提供了一个广阔的前景。     

MBA课堂教学质量评价指标体系的构建及评价模型的探索

加强教学质量检查评估,是提高教学质量的关键。构建MBA课堂教学质量评价体系对于MBA项目的建设和发展具有重要的意义。系统地阐述了开展MBA课堂教学质量评价的意义和作用,在分析MBA课堂教学存在问题的基础上,提出了课堂教学质量评价指标的内容,基于层次分析构建了评价指标体系和评价模型。     

对建立和完善党政领导干部考核评价指标体系的若干思考

对于如何构建和逐步完善党政领导干部考核评价指标体系,本文从六个方面进行了探讨,一是论述了关于建立和完善党政领导干部考核评价指标体系的必要性和迫切性,二是对党政领导干部考核评价标准的演变进行了考察,三是分析了现有党政干部考核评价方式的基本视角与存在问题,四是对建立和完善党政领导干部考核评价指标体系应确立的基本原则进行了探讨,五是提出了建立和完善党政领导干部考核评价指标体系的若干设想,六是指出了建立和完善党政领导干部考核评价指标体系应注意的几个问题。该文同时提出了我国党政干部考核评价指标体系的基本目标,即在“三个代表”重要思想指导下,立足我国党政干部选拔任用工作的实际,以制度化、规范化、程序化为方向,以德、能、勤、绩、廉和群众公认为基本内涵,逐步建立和完善具有我国特色的党政领导干部考核评价指标体系。     

构建教学督导评价体系 提高干部教育培训质量

<正>《中国共产党党校工作条例》和《行政学院工作条例》明确提出建立完善教学实施和运行机制、完善教学效果评估体系和学员学习考核体系的具体详实的实施要求,这是构建党校、行政学院教学督导评价指标体系的依据,也是不断改进和提高党校干部培训质量的必然要求。2005年,中共上海市委党校、上海行政学院建立了教学督导制度,在全国党校和行政学院系统率先开始了教学督导工作的实践探索。2010年,根据学校"要在探索和建立教学督导评价体系方面有所突破"的工作要求,督导组在实践过程中,将"教学督导评价体系     

县级初级中学评教制度与体系构建研究

县级初级中学建立起完善的教学评价体系与教学质量保障体系,有利于提高教学质量、增强教学竞争力,全方位促进学校教学水平的飞跃。为此,应建设完善的评教制度,制定评教所用的规章制度并认真执行;革新评教的参与因素,激发教师自身与广大学生参与评教的认真度与积极性;及时反馈评教结果,整改评教中所反映出来的各方面问题。     

注重对入党积极分子的教育培养

发展党员工作是各级党委的一项基础性、长远性、经常性工作.加强对入党积极分子的教育培养,是发展党员工作中的重要环节,也是思想政治工作的重要组成部分.有效地开展入党积极分子的教育培养,对确保党员队伍质量,保障企业中心任务的完成起到至关重要的作用.笔者通过调查问卷、案例分析等研究形式,总结和分析近年来集团公司发展党员工作实践中的经验与得失,探讨如何提高入党积极分子教育培养工作的针对性和有效性.     

注重对入党积极分子的教育培养

发展党员工作是各级党委的一项基础性、长远性、经常性工作。加强对入党积极分子的教育培养，是发展党员工作中的重要环节，也是思想政治工作的重要组成部分。有效地开展入党积极分子的教育培养，对确保党员队伍质量，保障企业中心任务的完成起到至关重要的作用。笔者通过调查问卷、案例分析等研究形式，总结和分析近年来集团公司发展党员工作实践中的经验与得失，探讨如何提高入党积极分子教育培养工作的针对性和有效性。     

地方政府廉政评价科学化的路径研究

当前制约我国地方政府廉政评价科学化的主要因素有:廉政评价缺乏统一的标准体系,评价主体多元化程度低,廉政评价方法的科学性有待提高,廉政评价指标体系的构建缺乏合理的逻辑性,评价信息获取渠道不畅等。需要建立统一的廉政评价体系,利用数据挖掘提高评价方法的科学性,增强廉政评价指标体系设计的逻辑性,大力推进政府信息公开。     

陕南中学教学质量评价体系构建研究

教学评价工作对于中学教学质量的提高有着极为重要的意义,中学构建起完善的教学质量评价体系有助于教师和学校认识到不足之处以便改进。从教师评教、学生评教、网络评教三方面入手探索出适合陕南地区各所中学采用的教学质量评价体系和评价模式,并在实践中加以修改和完善,全方位促进教学水平的提高。     

高校思想政治理论课教学有效性评价体系探究

随着高校思想政治理论课教学实践的不断深入,教学有效性的评价问题变得越来越重要。西方客观主义研究范式倡导的"有效教学"强调对教学效益、教学结果的可测性和量化分析。提高我国高校思想政治理论课教学的有效性,应对国外教学有效性的相关理论与实践进行有益借鉴并将其本土化。针对目前高校思想政治理论课评价体系的局限性,本文在明晰教学有效性的评价原则、评价标准与方法的基础上,对评估指标体系的维度进行了详细分析,提出了高校思想政治理论课教学有效性评价体系的基本框架。     

From Ted to Ed: Electing British Party Leaders

Since 1965, British political parties have radically, and repeatedly, changed the ways in which they choose their leaders. In this article, I explain how and why these changes occurred and assess the consequences of the ‘new’ selection procedures adopted by four ‘mainstream’ parties: Labour, the Conservatives, the Liberal Party and the Liberal Democrats. In the first section, following Sjoblom and Stark, I outline a theoretical framework which purports to explain the criteria used by parties in parliamentary systems when choosing their leaders. I then examine the four parties in turn and consider two questions. First, how and why has the process of selecting British party leaders changed over time; and secondly, to what extent, and why, have the ‘new’ selection procedures adopted since 1965 produced different outcomes, resulting in the election of leaders who would not have been chosen had the decision rested with their party's elites and/or MPs alone?     

The Conservatives' Grassroots 'Revival'

Healthy party grassroots constituency organisations play an important part in modern electoral campaigning, especially in marginal seats, and political parties try to concentrate their efforts on those closely contested constituencies. Recent evidence on party fund-raising at a local level shows that the Conservatives have taken considerable strides in supporting their campaign organisations in marginals, and have done so in a way which enhances their long-term campaigning potential there. The party's grassroots organisations are increasingly well-resourced, especially in the seats the Conservatives need to win back if they are to win the next General Election. However, while fund-raising suggests a healthy grassroots where it is needed, party membership data highlights continued problems for the party.     

Origins of party formation and new party success in advanced democracies

Which new parties entered national parliaments in advanced democracies over the last four decades and how did they perform after their national breakthrough? This article argues that distinguishing two types of party formation (that facilitate or complicate party institutionalisation) helps to explain why some entries flourish, while others vanish quickly from the national stage. New parties formed by individual entrepreneurs that cannot rely on ties to already organised groups are less likely to get reelected to parliament after breakthrough than rooted newcomers. This hypothesis is tested on a newly compiled dataset of new parties that entered parliaments in 17 advanced democracies from 1968 onwards. Applying multilevel analyses, the factors that shape newcomers' capacity to reenter parliament after breakthrough are assessed. Five factors have significant effects, yet affect party performance only in particular phases: both a party's electoral support at breakthrough and its operation in a system with a strong regional tier increase the likelihood of initial reelection. In contrast, a distinct programmatic profile, the permissiveness of the electoral system and easy access to free broadcasting increase a party's chance of repeated reelection. Only formation type significantly affects both phases and does so most strongly, substantiating the theoretical approach used in this article.     

The Extra-Parliamentary Tory Party: McKenzie Revisited

This chapter almost coincides with the fiftieth anniversary of Robert McKenzie's British Political Parties , a study which contested that power in the Tory party was centralised in its Parliamentary leadership, with its constituency members having only a marginal influence. The chapter revisits McKenzie's analysis in the light of developments since 2001, particularly the victory of Iain Duncan Smith in that year's 'democratised' Conservative leadership contest.
The chapter argues that Duncan Smith's victory strengthened McKenzie's claim that democratised parties are seldom popular, and describes how IDS, ironically, spawned reforms that diminished his extra-Parliamentary supporters. But the chapter is also an updated reminder that McKenzie underrated grass root power in certain areas - notably candidate selection - and suggests a lesson from the Tories' short-lived revival under Michael Howard, namely that long-term party recovery requires an energised party membership as well as a competent party leader.     

Change in the Spatial Dimensions of Party Conflict: The Case of Japan in the 1990s

The political landscape of Japan changed drastically in the early 1990s with new parties forming, the main government party losing power temporarily, and the traditional rival parties forming a coalition government. This article examines how the spatial dimensions of party conflict changed according to surveys of the mass public. Contrary to theoretical expectations based on the stabilizing effects of party identification, we find that the structure of public attitudes toward the parties changed considerably as the party system changed. Abrupt changes in the party system were reflected in changed cleavage patterns. Independence increased during this period and changed from being perceived as a separate dimension to being seen as part of an anti-politics-as-usual dimension.     

Towards an organisational perspective on party funding: Explaining financial transfers from MEPs to their national parties

Which parties represented in the European Parliament (EP) are able to extract regular donations from their MEPs' salaries and, if they extract donations, how great are they? In the literature on party finances, there has been a lack of attention paid to the use of salaries of elected representatives as a source of funding. This is surprising given that the national headquarters of many parties in Europe regularly collect ‘party taxes’: a fixed (and often significant) share of their elected representatives' salaries. In filling this gap, this article theoretically specifies two sets of party characteristics that account for the presence of a taxing rule and the level of the tax, respectively. The presence of a tax depends on the basic ‘acceptability’ of such an internal obligation that rests on a mutually beneficial financial exchange between parties' campaign finance contributions to their MEPs and MEPs' salary donations to their parties. The level of the tax, in contrast, depends on the level of intra‐organisational compliance costs and parties' capacity to cope with these costs. Three factors are relevant to this second stage: MEPs' ideological position, the size of the parliamentary group and party control over candidate nomination. The framework is tested through a selection model applied to a unique dataset covering the taxing practices in parties across the European Union Member States.     

Party bureaucrats,independent professionals,or politicians? A study of party employees

The number of party employees is increasing, but to what extent and in what sense are party employees integrated into their parties? Based on the literature on party change, the article identifies three important dimensions ? ties, tasks, and career plans ? and constructs a typology of four ideal types of party employees – technical assistants, party bureaucrats, independent professionals, and unelected politicians. Data on Norwegian party employees suggest that they have strong party ties and are entrusted with a wide range of political tasks. However, career plans rarely include elected office. The results indicate that party employees have stronger party ties than envisaged in influential party models. Professionalisation does not render party grassroots irrelevant, but rather turns some grassroots activists into professionals – what can be called ‘unelected politicians’. In conclusion, the article discusses implications for contemporary understandings of political parties.     

How Michael Foot Won the Labour Party Leadership

This paper examines the voting motivations of Labour parliamentarians in the final parliamentary ballot of the Labour party leadership election of 1980. By constructing a data set of the voting behaviour of Labour parliamentarians and by determining the ideological disposition of the 1980 parliamentary Labour party (PLP) this paper examines the ideological disposition of the candidates' vis‐à‐vis their electorate, and offers a challenge to traditional interpretations of how and why Foot was elected. The traditional interpretation has sought for explanations as to how a right‐wing dominated PLP elected a left‐wing candidate. Whilst citing the traditional interpretations of the impact of the impending Electoral College, mandatory reselection and the assumed weaknesses of the Healey campaign, this paper argues that there was considerably more left‐wing sentiment within the 1980 PLP in terms of economic management, defence and the Common Market, than previously considered. As such this paper suggests that, taken with the impact of the other factors, the victory of Foot should not be seen as that surprising.     

Money Matters: The Financing of the Conservative Party

The article examines the financing of the Conservative Party in the aftermath of the 2001 general election. An examination of the party's income and expenditure shows that pre-2001 patterns remain - the Conservatives are the poorer of the two main parties but continue to be the principal recipient of corporate and in-kind donations. However, the article also demonstrates that income rose sharply in the aftermath of the change of leadership in 2003, suggesting that this change may have stimulated donations. Also, as for other parties, questions of probity continue to arise following larger donations but, like Labour, the Conservatives oppose any caps on political giving.     

新时期农村基层党组织权威提升与功能实现

农村基层党组织是党在农村全部工作和战斗力的基础,拥有领导核心功能,利益综合、协调与表达功能以及政治录用与政治社会化功能。新时期,农村中出现的各种变化、变革给农村基层党组织带来了挑战。权威的提升有助于促进党组织功能的有效发挥。权威的树立并不意味着权威问题的永久解决,作为党在农村工作的领导核心,村党组织必须关注农村社会各层面的变动,提升其功能发挥的效果,重塑自身的权威。