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Victor Brajer 《发展研究杂志》2013,49(4):717-729
Previous developing country inflation studies have demonstrated that the Harberger (monetarist) model's explanatory power may be quite sensitive to the time period or explanatory variables used. In this study, the model's sensitivity to the definition of the inflation rate variable itself ‐ the dependent variable ‐ is investigated. Using a cross‐section, time‐series data set of 19 developing nations, it is shown that the Harberger model is sensitive to the manner in which inflation is defined. Then, a similar investigation is conducted for another, more recently developed, model of the inflationary process (the Hanson model). This model exhibits less sensitivity to the choice of inflation variable. 相似文献
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Christian Welzel Ronald Inglehart 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2006,41(3):74-94
This article demonstrates that Axel Hadenius and Jan Teorell’s attempt to disprove a causal effect of emancipative mass orientations on democracy is flawed in each of its three lines of reasoning. First, contrary to Hadenius and Teorell’s claim that measures of “effective democracy” end up in meaningless confusion of democracy and minor aspects of its quality, we illustrate that additional qualifications of democracy illuminate meaningful differences in the effective practice of democracy. Second, Hadenius and Teorell’s finding that emancipative orientations have no significant effect on subsequent measures of democracy from Freedom House is highly unstable: using only a slightly later measure of the dependent variable, the effect turns out to be highly signficant. Third, we illustrate that these authors’ analytical strategy is irrelevant to the study of democratization because the temporal specification they use misses almost all cases of democratization. We present a more conclusive model of democratization, analyzing how much a country moved toward or away from democracy as the dependent variable. The model shows that emancipative orientations had a strong effect on democratization during the most massive wave of democratization ever—stronger than any indicator of economic development. Finally, we illustrate a reason why this is so: emancipative orientations motivate emancipative social movements that aim at the attainment, sustenance, and extension of democratic freedoms. 相似文献
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Peter Burnell 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(4):545-562
As recent experiments in democratisation around the world show signs of achieving success, or failure, or more usually something in between, the attention of democracy promotion actors in the international community is turning to the world's remaining outstanding autocracies. This article identifies the autocracies, discusses the notion of autocratic opening, and explores how opening can come about, with particular reference to international intervention. The article argues that, for identifying the prospects for autocratic opening and determining the forms of constructive engagement available to international actors, it is useful to distinguish between the different grounds on which various autocracies claim legitimacy, and the specific vulnerabilities to which their principal legitimating base gives rise. 相似文献
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Robert E. Cleary 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(4-5):1037-1039
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This article surveys political development frameworks for analyzing the post-Communist transition to political democracy.
Parallels with postcolonial events in Third World countries should caution against overoptimism about the prospects for mutually
reinforcing economic and political development. In general, the study of Third World political development suggest that rapid
regime transition with low mass participation is unlikely to result in sustainable democratic politics, especially where severe
economic dislocations are present. High rates of participation during regime change may lead to rapid disillusionment with
the performance of postrevolutionary government.
It is thus argued that states wishing, for various reasons, to assist in smoothing the transition from communism should pay
heed to the cautionary experience of Third World development assistance and monitor the political dimensions of the transformation,
such as the stability of coalition governments, electoral turnout, ethnonationalism, as well as the orthodox economic indicators
like inflation and rates of domestic investment. With respect to international assistance to the former Communist countries
of Eastern and Central Europe, the article shows that the capacity of the Group of Twenty Four (G-24) donors to aid economic
recovery is well below what is requested, or needed. Despite hosting a donor summit, the United States is taking a far less
prominent role in the post-Cold War donor community than was the case in the analogous program for post-World War II recovery.
This is having an impact on both volume and coordination of assistance. Finally, a strong, possibly ideological, preference
among donors for finding private sector recipients for the bulk of assistance may erode the capacity of the post-Communist
states to provide both infrastructure and political stability needed for investor confidence.
Those making decisions about levels and modes of Western assistance should look beyond economic indicators of privatization
as criteria for continued support and retain, where possible, political development objectives in both financial and project
assistance. While we must not assume that the record of supporting democracy in Central and Eastern Europe will prove to be
any better than in many Third World regimes, the greater security salience of Eastern Europe’s stability adds urgency to the
task of applying political development lessons to the post-Communist experience.
Malcolm J. Grieve specializes in political development and international political economy and in his current research is
exploring the connections between the two fields with regard to analysis of the post-Communist transition. Recent publications
include “Economic Imperialism”, in D. Haglund and M. Hawes, eds.,World Politics: Power, Interdependence and Dependence (Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1990) and “Debt and Imperialism: Perspectives on the Debt Crisis,” in S. Riley ed.,The politics of global debt (Macmillan 1993).
...in Central and eastern Europe, we are seeking to demonstrate in practice the idea that free government can mean good and
stable government, and that free enterprise can mean economic opportunity for all.U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, Lawrence S. Eagleburger, 27 February 1991. There is nothing more difficult to arrange, more doubtful of success, and more dangerous to carry through,
than to initiate a new order of things.Machiavelli, The Prince 相似文献
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Adapting to democracy: Societal mobilization and social policy in Taiwan and South Korea 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Joseph Wong 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2005,40(3):88-111
Democratic transition and institutional change do not necessarily guarantee greater political inclusion, particularly when
it comes to the policy influence of civil society groups. Rather, political inclusiveness requires strategic adaptation among
societal actors. Actors need to seize upon opportunities endemic to political change. This article provides a comparative
analysis of health care reform in democratizing Taiwan and South Korea, focusing on two social movement coalitions, the National
Health Insurance Coalition in Taiwan and Korea's Health Solidarity. Both movement coalitions were critical in shaping welfare
reform trajectories in Taiwan and South Korea during the late 1990s, despite having been shut out from earlier episodes of
health care reform. I argue that these groups (1) strategically adjusted their mobilization strategies to fit specific political
and policy contexts, (2) benefited from broad-based coalition building, and (3) effectively framed the issue of social welfare
in ways that gained these movements ideational leverage, which was particularly significant given the marginal place of leftist
ideas in the postwar East Asian developmental state model.
Joseph Wong is assistant professor of political science at the University of Toronto. He is the author ofHealthy Democracies: Welfare Politics in Taiwan and South Korea, published by Cornell University Press. Wong received his Ph.D. from the University of Wisconsin-Madison.
The author thanks Edward Friedman, Jay Krishnan, Ito Peng, Richard Sandbrook, Linda White, along with the three anonymous
reviewers for their helpful comments on earlier drafts of this paper. Thanks also to Uyen Quach and Nina Mansoori for their
research assistance. 相似文献
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This article began as a contrast between the politics and processes of budgeting and revenue mobilization in Latvia under Soviet rule and as an independent country. The dynamics of events in Latvia and opportunities presented during our research broadened its scope. The article became a broad review of the economic and political processes in Latvia since independence, with an emphasis on the effects of attitudes inherited from fifty years of Soviet rule, traditional Latvian values, and emerging public policies. The interdependence between government and business infrastructure is dramatically shown in the bank scandal of 1995. The bank failures caused near catastrophic reductions in tax revenues. 相似文献
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