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In the aftermath of 9/11 surely of great significance is the reassertion of the South – North divide as a defining axis of the international system. In this context the emergence of a coterie of Southern countries actively challenging the position and assumptions of the leading states of the North is an especially significant event. The activism on the part of three middle-income developing countries in particular—South Africa, Brazil and India—has resulted in the creation of a ‘trilateralist’ diplomatic partnership, itself a reflection of broader transformations across the developing world in the wake of globalisation. This article will examine the rise of the co-operative strategy known as ‘trilateralism’ by regional leaders within the South. Specifically it will look at the relationship between emerging regional powers in the context of multilateralism, as well as at the formulation and implementation of trilateralism. As with previous co-operative efforts in the developing world, the prospects of success are rooted in overlapping domestic, regional and international influences on South African, Brazilian and Indian foreign policies. The article will conclude with an assessment of these influences over the trilateral agenda.  相似文献   

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Abstract

The transition to an information society requires the implementation of effective actions by the different actors of the new society and economy. The private sector has already started to get involved. It is now public administration’s turn, and, although far behind the business world, it has been provided with an important tool: the electronic government model.

Although several projects have been carried out all over the globe, the development of such initiatives is very much unequal, depending on not only the region of the world but also varying from country to country within each region. Thus, while countries such as the United States, Great Britain, Sweden, Singapore, Australia, and Canada are the leaders when it comes to implementing electronic government programs, the same cannot be said about most Latin American nations.

It is the intention of this article to address this unequal situation, which will be called the e-government divide, emphasizing the global and the regional e-government gaps.  相似文献   

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The term ‘precariat’—a precarious proletariat—has achieved considerable prominence in recent years and is probably now ripe for critical deconstruction. It also needs to be situated in terms of a genealogy that includes the marginality debates of the 1960s, the later informal sector problematic and the ‘social exclusion’ optic that became dominant in the 1980s. I will argue that the concept is highly questionable both as an adequate sociology of work in the North and insofar as it elides the experience of the South in an openly Eurocentric manner. In terms of political discourse I think we should avoid the language of ‘dangerous class’, as deployed by Guy Standing to situate workers politically in the policy world as though frightening the ruling classes was a strategy for transformation.  相似文献   

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Bhugra D 《危机》2002,23(3):108-113
Rates of deliberate self-harm have been reported to be higher among South Asians, especially women, in the UK. Two studies collected information on inception rates of deliberate self-harm in the UK and reported that rates of attempted suicide are much higher among South Asian women especially those aged 18-24. These rates are associated with high rates of cultural alienation and previous attempts. The implications of cultural conflict are discussed in this context. In addition, a hypothetical model of interrelationship of factors for both adults and adolescents is described.  相似文献   

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《Third world quarterly》2013,34(4):648-668
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The Doha ‘Development’ Round of trade negotiations at the wto has featured agricultural trade liberalisation as one of its key aims. But developing countries were frustrated with both the process and the content of the agricultural agreement negotiations early on in the round. This prompted these countries, through a number of developing country groupings such as the G-20 and others, to call for changes in the talks to ensure that developing country voices and concerns were heard. Although developing countries were in many ways successful in registering their concerns in the latter half of the negotiations, and have maintained a fairly high degree of cohesion across the Global South, it remains unclear whether this cohesion will last as the uneven impacts of agricultural trade liberalisation become apparent.  相似文献   

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