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1.
The notion of ‘equity’ is undergoing conceptual repositioning in international law today, embracing individuals as well as states and gaining an association with human rights and the politics of protest. In the context of these developments, the present paper enquires into the premodern roots of this ancient and rich term through three historical vignettes: first, the emergence of aequitas in Roman law – as a source of law anchored in analogy and empathy – and in particular its relevance to the ambiguous status of slaves; second, the importance of ‘natural equity’ to the consolidation of ‘natural rights’ during the Franciscan poverty debate in 14th century Europe, and finally, ‘common equity’ in the rights-based constitutional order proposed by the Levellers in 1640s England. In its root sense, I conclude, what we might call ‘radical equity’ has historically lent itself to trenchant critique of the law, centred on the individual as subject of right.  相似文献   

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In the early 1990s Greece accepted a large number of immigrants from a variety of contexts. Since then ‘organised criminality’ has become an important aspect of the immigration nexus in the country, and ethnicity has been viewed as an extremely important-if not the primary–explanatory variable. Simultaneously, there has been very little empirical research on ‘organised crime’ in Greece in general and ‘organised crime’ and ethnicity in particular. The purpose of this article, which is based on previous research that the author has conducted on three illegal markets in Greece (a. migrant smuggling business, b. the cigarette black market, and c. the market of stolen cars and car parts), is to show the extent to which these illegal markets are controlled by foreign nationals, and establish whether there is such thing as an ‘alien conspiracy’ in the particular country.  相似文献   

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This article presents a constitutive criminological perspective of the ‘war on terror’. The article will first deconstruct the ‘war on terror’; showing how constitutive criminology provides a framework in which foreign policy, the UK state; the police, and society can be systematically analyzed in relation to one another. Second, the article explores how constitutive criminology enables a critical analysis of the dominant state-centric ‘war on terror’ discourse. The article through discussing the multifaceted ‘war on terror’ demonstrates the relevance of constitutive criminology, as a non state centric approach to critical perspectives in criminology.  相似文献   

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In Australia, as elsewhere, cultural blindness to difference based on gender can affect the impartiality of judging. It is an important aspect of the unstated assumptions on which judges act and which they need to examine. This is especially so where the assumptions are a reflection of dominant social attitudes and values. Judges are expected to apply community values, so long as they are consistent with equality before the law. Blatant examples of gender bias tend to diminish as diversity increases, both within the judiciary and within the legal profession. Stereotyping assumptions can be explored through judicial education, but Australian experience suggests that programmes will only receive a receptive audience if sensitive to concerns about judicial independence. To that end, discussion may best be located within the boundaries of the broader topic of unconscious partiality. Steps being taken in New South Wales to raise gender sensitivity are noted.  相似文献   

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This paper provides an introduction to the articles and report excerpts included in the special issue of Trends in Organized Crime on ‘Counterfeiting’. The aim of this special issue is to add to the relatively sparse literature currently available that addresses this expansive and complex criminological phenomenon. In particular, the special issue draws together empirical research findings and theoretical accounts on the organization of the counterfeit trade across a broad spectrum of goods, and highlights a number of issues associated with researching counterfeiting.  相似文献   

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This article analyses the results of an empirical investigation into lawyers' perspectives of the goal of court-connected mediation in the Supreme Court of Tasmania, Australia. The findings of other empirical studies are drawn upon to contextualise the results. The data reveal a tendency for lawyers to emphasise settlement in accordance with the law as the main purpose of court-connected mediation. There was evidence that some lawyers maintain a competitive approach to court-connected mediation, seeking to ‘win’ for their clients with minimal regard to the other party's goals or to achieve outcomes that reflect a legal assessment of the case. However, where non-legal, satisfaction-related needs were met, many lawyers viewed such outcomes as particularly positive. A mixed range of views was revealed, with the common goals of an opportunity for settlement and a focus on law as a reference point. The findings contribute to knowledge about lawyers' understandings of ‘what is mediation for?’.  相似文献   

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《Global Crime》2013,14(4):393-398
The smuggling of contraband cigarettes is discussed in relation to numerous financial and social issues. Cigarette smugglers are often portrayed as ruthless and dangerous individuals, and according to official and media accounts a clear link has been established between cigarette smuggling and ‘criminal and terrorist organisations’. The aim of this article is to challenge this stereotypical image of the cigarette smugglers based on the presentation of the stories of four smugglers interviewed in Greece and the UK.  相似文献   

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Abstract

Ideas of assimilated citizenship are inherently gendered and during Australia’s post-World War Two migration boom they were deeply and explicitly invested in marriage, children and domesticity. In this period of social conservatism and economic boom, assimilation rhetoric functioned as a reassuring mirror for the host population, promoting the dream of prosperous family life as the ultimate aspiration for refugees and migrants. The role of immigration Holding Centres within this vision was to provide a context in which migrants and refugees could take their first steps towards accomplishing this dream. These Centres of necessary temporary residence were designed as sites of transition towards autonomous, assimilated family life. However, those families headed by single mothers, often referred to in government records as ‘unsupported mothers’, had limited opportunities to live up to such images of assimilation, or even to comply with the economic imperatives of the migration scheme that had brought them to Australia. Based mainly on Department of Immigration records, this article demonstrates that despite recognising the long-term economic and social prospects their children represented, government agencies viewed many unsupported mothers as system failures. They attempted to remedy the situation by turning these women into live-in domestic workers, at times placing pressure on them to institutionalise their children in order to facilitate this, thereby prioritising their compliance with economic imperatives over support for their parenting. Within the limited scope of their agency, unsupported mothers responded by attempting to negotiate the terms of their compliance or simply refusing to comply. For the latter group, Holding Centres became a more permanent home. This permanence is read here as a gendered form of resistance to a system that struggled to foster their economic self-reliance without compromising their capacity to be mothers.  相似文献   

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This paper provides a novel and critical analysis of the necessary and important balance between ‘individual privacy’ and ‘collective transparency’. We suggest that the onset of the Information Revolution has created a dilemma for the National Health Service (NHS) in terms of how it addresses its obligation to use information to improve best practice in healthcare for society (‘collective transparency’) whilst also keeping sensitive personal information confidential (‘individual privacy’). There is clearly a need to consider both whether the NHS is balancing this critically important informational relationship and whether its approach is fit for purpose. We argue that the NHS's ‘proxy-individual’ information guardian role could inadvertently mask individuals' intended roles, effectively circumventing autonomy-based laws by limiting the power of individuals to be autonomous. In this article we have identified three issues – first the prevailing ‘Mindset’ (the ‘M’) of ‘privacy’, which is viewed as individualistic, resulting in an overpowering concept of confidentiality; second, the quality and control of Information (the first ‘I’); and third, the concept of innovation (the second ‘i’), which is being used as a ‘solution’ rather than a vehicle for transparency. Indeed, transparency is our target of ‘best practice,’ and we suggest that individual privacy and collective transparency are best embedded within a complementary privacy framework that offers a better fit than the current split of control between the roles of the NHS and the roles of the individual. It is suggested that when facilitated by transparency, ‘control’ and ‘privacy’ form a continuum, aligning through the desire for choice. Therefore, the choice of control could facilitate control and choice. Together, they could replace the concept of privacy by empowering ‘informed patients’ to support the NHS's ‘No decision about me, without me’ pledge.  相似文献   

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Electoral bribery is an ancient phenomenon, but its manifestations and pathologies can only be understood in the context of particular electoral norms and political practices. The spark for electoral bribery in the Westminster tradition was the shift from parliamentary service as a duty to a privilege, whilst its paradigm forms of treating and crude vote-buying are traceable to a shift from buying a seat to buying the voters. The gradual move from cultural acceptance to legislative and ethical condemnation of electoral bribery is attributable to a concern with the rising cost of elections and developing notions of fair electoral competition. This article focuses on the seminal period in the ‘war’ on electoral bribery from 1868 to the early twentieth century, giving a taxonomy of the various forms of bribery and judicial responses to them, as well as an explanation of the role played by statutory developments. The ultimate success of this war on corruption is shown to lie in a confluence of politico-legal techniques – election courts, tighter legislation, the secret ballot and the mass franchise – and institutional developments, in particular the rise of centralised, professional parties.  相似文献   

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The ‘war on terror’ has had an enormous impact on citizens’ legal rights and legal status. Using data from interviews with British Pakistani Kashmiri Muslims, this paper explores how the change to citizens’ legal rights and legal status in the ‘war on terror’, the legal dimension of citizenship, has impacted the psychological dimension of citizenship. Through denoting legal rights, equality and status the study revealed the powerful role of the state and the police in shaping citizens’ perceptions of the legal dimension of citizenship. The paper explores how changes to participants’ perceptions of their legal status and legal rights are instrumental in shaping the psychological dimension of citizenship—participants’ sense of loyalty, belonging and attachment to their British identity and their Islamic identity.  相似文献   

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This article considers various factors that will shape the potential effect of the Council of Europe's modernised Convention on data protection (Convention 108+) on non-European states’ regulatory policy. It does so by elucidating the logic and mechanics of this effect in light of the ‘Brussels Effect’ that is commonly attributed, in part, to EU data protection law. The central arguments advanced in the article are that the impact of Convention 108+ beyond Europe will rest primarily on the Council of Europe's ideational power tempered by processes of acculturation, and secondarily on the degree to which the EU is willing to use the ‘Brussels Effect’ as a vehicle for promoting non-European states’ accession to the Convention.  相似文献   

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There is a generally accepted belief that a well publicised prosecution, which results in the conviction of the offenders will deter crime by sending out a ‘clear message’ to those intending to offend. Those who seek to enforce the legal protection of antiquities and archaeological sites will often decry the number of prosecutions brought, and urge a more aggressive prosecution policy against looters and traffickers in antiquities. However a prosecution may not always produce the anticipated outcome of deterrence. In this article a lawyer examines a recent high profile operation undertaken by the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the Bureau of Land Management against looters and traffickers in the south west of the United States for breaches of the Archaeological Resources Protection Act of 1979 and its outcome. It will begin with a short consideration of the context in which the prosecutions were brought: the scale of looting in the area; the difficulties facing those who have to enforce the law; the legal and historical background, and the belief of many in the area that they have a right to dig for artefacts and to collect or sell them. It will then consider ‘Operation Cerberus Action’ and its consequences in some detail, drawing on contemporaneous newspaper accounts and blog comments to illustrate that a prosecution, even where it results in conviction of all the defendants, may be counterproductive, serving only to entrench existing attitudes rather than encouraging behavioural change in intending looters and traffickers.  相似文献   

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乡镇纪检力量统一使用、交叉查办,让以前那些老关系都不灵了;群众轻松一点手机客户端,举报就出去了。基层纪委深化三转带来了群众满意的结果——今年春节,我和妻子到江西省宁都县岳父家过年。大年初二,在去外婆家拜年的路上,我和开车的表姐夫聊了起来。这两年在外面做生意好多了,赶上逢年过节再也不用去‘表示’了,这可省下了不少钱呢。关键是心里舒坦,不用再看别人脸色了。表姐夫在外地开了一家西式快餐店,他告诉  相似文献   

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