宪法体制下的行政保留

我国的宪法体制是人民代表大会为主体的权力分工制,宪法已明确一切权力属于人民,人民行使权力的机关是人民代表大会,因此除了宪法保留、法律保留之外似乎无行政保留之空间.然而在国家权力的具体实践中,基于行政事务的复杂性以及国家权力分工的需要,使得行政保留成为现实存在的一种状态.并且业已成为行政法治的一种形式表现,如何以完政的视角来分析这种实际状态,需要对行政保留所存在方式进行法理性分析,把握行政法治的实质,通过宪法和法律来确分行政保留的范围,对行政保留权予以规制.     

Juvenile diversion and the constitution

The juvenile justice system has been a product of interaction between legal and socio-medical forces since its inauguration near the end of the last century. While the socio-medical forces have, for the most part, been dominant over the years, concern for minimum legal standards has been a conspicuous part of the picture since the years 1966 to 1967. The result is serious attention to due process and fundamental fairness in court processing, and low tolerance for abridgement of such rights in the interests of attaining the social goal of rehabilitation. The question arises as to how early in the procedural chain for juveniles various due process rights should enter. Some have argued that important due process rights should be components in the process leading to probation, and even police, diversion. The central argument of this article is that broad directives regarding due process in diversion are inappropriate. Indeed, analysis of actual and potential losses of freedom associated with diversion decisions leads to the general conclusion that very few diversion programs require usual procedural rights. Moreover, a survey of case law indicates that there is little reason to expect that the procedural protections enunciated by the U.S. Supreme Court so strongly in the 1960s will be extended by the courts to police (or probation) decisions on diversion in the 1980s.     

The economic constitution and the political constitution: seeking the common good in the post-national setting

In the post-national setting, the concept of the ‘economic constitution’ has been seen as design template and saviour; whether based on transactional certitude or founded on ordoliberal precepts, the economic constitution is assumed to legitimate economic integration across national borders in the absence of comprehensive political settlement. Nevertheless, recent tensions – not only within the European Union (EU) but also, more strikingly, within the World Trade Organization context – indicate the limits of economic constitutionalism. This article seeks to identify the roots of recent dysfunction within the history and theory of economic constitutionalism. It traces the evolution of an adjudicational economic constitutionalism and its place within the EU legal order, including the new EU Charter of Fundamental Rights, and contrasts this vision with the more comprehensive and/or socialized models of economic constitutionalism found not only within the Weimar Republic but also within the post-revolutionary/post-conflict constitutional context. The article also places a major emphasis on theorizing around the apex of economic-constitutional thought, ordoliberalism, but concludes that no concept of the economic constitution can be seen in isolation from its social-political context, or from notions of the common good. To this exact degree, failures in modern economic constitutionalism may derive from a misplaced universalism – a technocratic absolutism that abdicates political responsibility for the common good, locating it instead in an ‘idolatry of the factual’ or a new naturalism of market inevitability.     

关于宪法的历史考查

中国古代有宪法、宪令之类的语词 ,其基本含义是大法。宪令的“大”或“重要”的含义与其发布形式有一定关系。近人也赋予宪法以大的含义 ,但与今之宪法相应的“大”或“重要”的含义主要表现在“组织”、“结构”、“确定”上。中国古代没有组织、结构、确定意义上的宪法     

The policy origins of the European economic constitution

This article traces the origins of the European economic constitution in the debate on Article 30 of the EC Treaty (general rule on the free movement of goods) between 1966 and 1969, which resulted in Directive 70/50. In this, the first archive‐based analysis of the policy origins of the Court's Dassonville (1974) decision, the article demonstrates that there was a strong continuity in the investment by a number of key actors in focusing on Article 30 to create the single market from the mid‐1960s. These civil servants and lawyers provided the backbone for the Commission's transformation of the Cassis de Dijon judgment (1979) into a powerful tool, driving back the need for legislative harmonisation and making it a cornerstone of the Single European Act of 1986. The article therefore analyses one of the key moments in the transformation of European law.     

论宪法对冲突法的限制

私法不统一的国家 (如美国 )利用宪法对冲突法的限制以协调国内相互冲突的私法并促进其统一 ,私法统一的国家 (如德国 )利用宪法对冲突法的限制以增强传统冲突法的实体效果。我国也需要研究宪法对冲突法的限制理论 ,以协调四大法域的私法和冲突法 ,加强我国冲突法的实体取向。     

论"政策性修宪"与"制度性修宪"

"政策性修宪"与"制度性修宪"是关于宪法修改的两种基本模式,与社会制度和意识形态无关;"政策性修宪"与"制度性修宪"各有利弊,要实证分析;"政策性修宪"与"制度性修宪"的分野在于法律价值观的不同;我国应建立"制度性修宪"为主导、"政策性修宪"为补充的修宪体制.     

宪政视野中的权利法定主义

对权利法定主义问题,在当今学术界的研讨成果极为丰硕,本文拟从宪法学的视野、在宪政体制的构架内对权利法定主义的成因进行分析,而不是对解决权利法定主义的弊端提出详尽的解决思路,从这个意义上说,本文的主旨在于对问题进行实证化的研究。     

刑事影像技术新体系

目的阐述刑事影像领域内影像技术及应用的现状和发展。方法从理论方面研究国内外刑事影像技术文献。结果提出了刑事影像影像技术新的框架体系。结论刑事影像技术三个主要组成部分是影像成像检验、影像分析检验和影像合成演示。     

论条约批准的宪法程序修改

条约批准程序是宪法体系的重要组成部分.1982年宪法是在我国改革开放初期制定的,有关条约批准的宪法程序已不适应复杂多变的国际形势的需要,亟待修改.本文结合我国加入WTO的实践,扼要论述了现行条约批准的宪法程序及其弊端,并提出了若干修宪建议.     

论紧急状态法律体系之构建

在紧急状态下，常规、法律体系已然不适应实际需要，本文论述了紧急状态法律体系的构建。     

浅谈我国第四次宪法修正案

我国第四次宪法修正案将“修宪为民”和“与时俱进”写进宪法,成为中国21世纪社会发展的指南,本文从修宪的理由全面探讨了修宪的主要内容,并提出了自己的观点。     

犯罪构成与证明责任

犯罪构成理论与证明责任理论可以互补.三阶层递进式犯罪构成理论可以作为证明贡任分配的合理标准.构成要件该当性具有违法性和有责性的推定机能.控诉方应承担构成要件该当性的提出责任和超出合理怀疑的说服责任,被告方承担构成要件阻却和违法阻却事由的提出责任,且要让人产生合理怀疑.被告方负有提出责任阻却事由的责任及优势证据的说服责任.通过证明责任理论,可以说明主观构成要素的合理性,理清推定故意和过失的本质.同时,本文也对事实错误与禁止错误、修正构成要件与特殊构成要件的证明责任进行了讨论.     

论宪法与政治文明

在政治文明史上 ,宪法的产生具有里程碑的意义。宪法是权利的保障书 ,人权是政治文明的终极关怀 ;宪法是民主政治的法律化 ,民主政治是政治文明的保障 ;宪法是治国之法 ,法治是政治文明的基本运作方式 ;宪法是宪政的前提 ,宪政是政治文明的核心。宪法与政治文明相辅相成、不可分离     

论紧急状态法律体系之构建

在紧急状态下,常规、法律体系已然不适应实际需要,本文论述了紧急状态法律体系的构建.     

宪法学研究面临的两个难题

中国宪法学界在新世纪面临着两大难题:一是先进的宪政理论与落后的公民之间的矛盾;二是共通的法治理论与具体的国情之间的矛盾.宪法学者需对此作出努力.     

追问“常识”——宪法是什么

宪法是国家的根本大法,这更多的是从效力方面来明确宪法的。全面认识宪法,还应包括更多的内容:宪法是法的组成部分,因而宪法具有可诉性;宪法是人民授权政府的一份授权委托书,因而宪法是控制公共权力的控权法,同时又是保护人民权利的保权法;宪法是国家活动总章程,因而宪法明确了国家的组织原则和管理方式;宪法调整的是国家的重大社会关系,因而宪法在内容上有别于其他普通法律;宪法具有最高的法律效力,因而制宪和修宪的程序比普通法律严格。