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1.
Sussex Coroners’ Inquests 1558–1603. R.F. Hunnisett. London. 1996. Public Record Office Publications, xlviii + 216 pp. (incl. Indexes). £20 hb. ISBN 1–873162–28–6.

Absolute Monarchy and the Stuart Constitution. Glenn Burgess. New Haven and London. 1996. Yale University Press, x + 229 pp. (incl. Index). £25. Hardback. ISBN 0–3–06532–9

Women Before the Bar: Gender, Law &; Society in Connecticut, 1639–1789. Cornelia Hughes Dayton. Chapel Hill. 1995. University of North Carolina Press, xv + 382 pp. (incl. Index). $49.95 hb; $18.95 pb. ISBN 0–8078–2244–2; 0–8078–4561–2.

Ratio legis Falcidiae. Die Falzidische Rechnung bei Zusammentreffen mehrerer Erbschaften in einer Hand. Dietmar Schanbacher. (Freiburger Rechtsgeschichtliche Abhandlungen, Neue Folge, 22). Berlin. 1995. Duncker &; Humblot. 253 pp. (incl. Index). DM 98 pb. ISBN 3–428–08482–9. ISSN 0720–6704.

Der Kampf urns Recht: Forschungsband aus Anlass des 100. Todestages von Rudolf von Jhering. G. Luf and W. Ogris (eds.). Berlin. 1995. Duncker &; Humblot. 148 pp. DM 98 hb. ISBN 3–428–08435–7.  相似文献   

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This paper studies the spatial differences of grain production efficiencies in China using a panel data set on 30 provinces (cities) for the period 1987–92. A stochastic frontier production function is estimated to derive the technical efficiencies across the regions. The results suggest that technical inefficiencies are significant with remarkable provincial and zonal differentials. The marginal productivities of factors and their convergence (divergence) over time, the decomposition of total factor productivity, and the effects of major determinants on technical inefficiencies are also studied in detail.  相似文献   

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Sharp force trauma is a common homicide method. The weapon is typically a knife, which is easily accessible and does not require special skills. We have analyzed all 471 sharp force homicides in Denmark during 1992–2016 with special focus on aspects that are relevant to forensic pathologists, including the distribution of wounds and organ injuries. Most homicides were committed inside with a kitchen knife. The front left thorax was the most common area to be affected by sharp force trauma. In 18.9% of the victims, there was only one sharp injury, the majority on the thorax. The most common trajectory for stab wounds was directly posterior with no deviation to the sides or up/down followed by directly anterior. The heart (including pericardium) and lungs (including hemo- and pneumothorax) had injuries in more than 75% of the victims. 67% of victims were males. Female victims had more sharp force injuries and defense wounds than male victims. Most females were killed in domestic homicides (73.7%), most commonly in partner killings (56.4%). In contrast, many male victims were killed in a setting of nightlife/intoxication (34.0%) most by a friend/acquaintance delivering a few stab wounds. The results clearly show strong sex differences in both victims and offenders. This could be useful for shaping policies and public opinion, and as a route for understanding the developments in interpersonal violence. In the narrow setting of death investigation, our results will provide an evidence-based approach to understanding the injury patterns in sharp force homicide.  相似文献   

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Limited data have been available on the financial situation of the constituency branches of England's main political parties. Using recent annual accounts for all constituency parties with a turnover of £25,000 per annum or more in 2005, this paper reviews their financial health. It finds very little evidence of substantial financial turnover for the vast majority of local Labour parties and only a slightly better situation for the Liberal Democrats: many more local Conservative parties meet the reporting threshold but, even so, in almost half of all English constituencies none of the three parties reported a turnover of £25,000 or more. Local Conservative parties also differ substantially from the other two in their income sources and expenditure patterns.  相似文献   

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The use of torture against selected groups of detainees in Spain has been repeatly denounced. The testimonies of 87 citizens arrested under the ‘anti-terrorist legislation’ in the Basque Country (Spain) during 1992–1993 were collected by using the Rehabilitation and Research Centre for Torture Victims (RCT/IRCT) protocol. All the detainees were kept in solitary confinement with a mean period of 4 (S.D. = 1.1) days. Torture methods were usually a combination of physical, deprivation and coercion techniques with a high presence of sexual and communication techniques. The group arrested by the military corp ‘Guardia Civil’ showed a higher prevalence of different methods of physical torture, hearing torture from others and reduction of visual input as compared with those in the group arrested by the force ‘Policía Nacional’. The results show also a preference of sexual torture on women with a high prevalence of methods such as forced undressing, verbal humiliations and touching. The study could help international experts to develop a fact-finding mission on human rights in the region.  相似文献   

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Despite increased interest in environmental crime and green criminology, few studies address the use of criminal penalties in response to environmental crimes. A handful of published examples employ data from the United States or the Flanders court system, and little is known about how other nations punish environmental violations. Addressing this issue, the current study examined the use of criminal environmental penalties in Ireland from 2004 to 2014. Few criminal environmental cases (N = 147) and few environmental offenders (N = 154) were represented in these data over time. Consistent with the expectations of green/environmental crime researchers, mean penalties for environmental violations, which in Ireland only include fines and investigative cost recovery penalties, were rather small. Unlike in the US or Flanders, the majority of offenders were corporate offenders as opposed to individuals. Contextual factors related to Ireland’s economy, history and use of criminal sanctions should be used to interpret these factors, and prevent generalising from these data.  相似文献   

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The importance of the public's understanding of copyright has increased in the digital age, and mainstream media play a significant role in informing the public of copyright law and policy. This study identifies two competing visions on the fundamentals of copyright—the private property vision and the public policy vision—and examines which vision is more predominantly covered by mainstream news media via a quantitative content analysis of Associated Press wire service stories on copyright. The findings suggest that, although the number of sources favoring copyright users’ rights has somewhat increased in the most recent two years, overall the private property vision has been more dominantly covered than the public policy vision in the AP news stories. The study concludes that the mainstream media coverage on copyright needs to move toward a more balanced point where both sides of the debate have an equal chance to present their views.  相似文献   

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This article has used data provided by the Ministry of Justice to track changes in the number of adolescents under the age of 18 transferred from secure custodial institutions, who have required transfer to psychiatric hospital using Section 47 and Section 48 of the Mental Health Act. During the period 2004–2014 there were large reductions in the population of young people detained in custody in England and Wales. The number of young people requiring hospital transfer fell during this period but to a much lesser degree. The possible reasons for this are discussed and include the increased complexity of young people in custody and the increased availability of secure psychiatric beds.  相似文献   

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In this paper, data from the NCS and NCVS are developed for the purpose of describing long-term trends in male and female violent victimization for the period 1973–2004. More specifically, gender-specific trends in violence are compared according to crime type and victim–offender relationship. Despite their potential usefulness, these data have not been published previously. The data reveal that the gender gap in robbery victimization has remained relatively stable while the gender gaps in aggravated and simple assault victimization have narrowed over time. Results varied when the data were disaggregated by victim–offender relationship. Male and female rates of nonstranger simple assault and nonstranger robbery were roughly equivalent throughout the period, and the greater risk for male nonstranger aggravated assault that was evident three decades ago has largely disappeared. The gender gap persists in stranger assault, but has narrowed somewhat because male rates of victimization have declined more than female rates. In addition, male and female trends and the gender gap in nonlethal intimate partner violence differ from the patterns established in intimate partner homicide studies. The paper concludes with a discussion of research that is needed to understand why the gender gap in violent victimization has changed for some types of violence but not others, and how greater attention to gender will improve efforts to understand crime trends.
Karen HeimerEmail:
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The Bayh–Dole Act of 1980 reversed 35 years of public policy and gave universities and small businesses the unfettered right to own inventions that resulted from federally funded research. The Act was opposed by the Carter administration, which had a different view of how to utilize the results of federally funded research to drive economic development. It is not widely appreciated that the bill had died in the regular sessions of the 96th Congress and was only passed into law in a lame duck session necessitated to pass the budget. Only a magnanimous gesture of respect for Senator Birch Bayh, who had been defeated in the 1980 election, on the part of Senator Russell Long allowed the bill to receive the unanimous consent needed to pass a bill in lame duck session. This article lays out the roles of the key congressional staffers who forged this historic compromise and the last minute maneuvers needed to obtain President Carters signature.  相似文献   

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《Justice Quarterly》2012,29(1):174-201
Research has begun to systematically assess the relationship between sentencing policies and state incarceration rates. Prior studies, however, have examined policy‐based relationships in isolation, failing to consider the impact of combinations of policies. Using a pooled time series design, this article examines interactions between structured sentencing, determinate sentencing, and state incarceration rates between 1978 and 2004. Results show that constraining release discretion through determinate sentencing matters more than constraining sentencing discretion through structured sentencing. Consistent with prior research, determinate sentencing was associated with lower incarceration rates independent of other policies. Contrary to prior research, however, the presence of presumptive sentencing guidelines was associated with lower incarceration rates only when combined with determinate sentencing. These findings suggest that while a state may effectively insulate sentencing decisions from outside social forces, if it fails to insulate release decisions from those same forces, they will continue to affect imprisonment levels.  相似文献   

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The public salience of crime has wide-ranging political and social implications; it influences public trust in the government and citizens’ everyday routines and interactions, and it may affect policy responsiveness to punitive attitudes. Identifying the sources of crime salience is thus important. Two competing theoretical models exist: the objectivist model and the social constructionist model. According to the first, crime salience is a function of the crime rate. According to the second, crime salience is a function of media coverage and political rhetoric, and trends in crime salience differ across population subgroups as a result of differences in their responsiveness to elite initiatives. In both theories, period-level effects predominate. Variation in crime salience, however, may also reflect age and cohort effects. Using data from 422,504 respondents interviewed between 1960 and 2014, we first examine the nature of crime salience using hierarchical age–period–cohort (HAPC) models and then analyze period-level predictors using first differences. We find that 1) crime salience varies mostly at the period level; 2) crime salience trends are parallel (cointegrated) across demographic, socioeconomic, and partisan groups; and 3) crime salience trends within every population subgroup are most consistent with the constructionist model. The crime rate does not exert a significant effect in any subgroup.  相似文献   

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The Journal of Technology Transfer - Previous studies have identified the importance of entrepreneurial and innovation ecosystems, however, few have considered in an integrated multi-level way, the...  相似文献   

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Despite the existing research on how elected representatives use Twitter, there are few comparative studies and none that considers Israel, a country that differs from most democracies in its electoral system. This study has two levels of analysis. The first is the country level, in which the author compares and explains how representatives in four countries – the US, Canada, Australia and Israel – use the talk, listen and respond model to achieve their goals. The second is the individual level, in which the author analyses how personal characteristics such as gender and age, and political characteristics such as seniority and membership in the opposition or coalition affect the frequency of use of Twitter. Using quantitative data, it is demonstrated that representatives vary in the frequency of their use of Twitter. On the country level, Australian representatives use Twitter more often than their counterparts in other countries. On the individual level, first-term members, members of the opposition, and older representatives use Twitter more often than those with more seniority, coalition members, and younger legislators.  相似文献   

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In 1826, the Dutch government decreed that slave owners in the Dutch colony of Suriname had to register all enslaved persons in their possession and all changes in ownership. Registration was done in a central register until the abolition of slavery in Suriname in 1863. The registers give a continuous overview of the enslaved population in Suriname stretching for more than three decades. The level of information on the enslaved population of Suriname make the slave registers into an exceptional source for the study of slavery. As part of the project Make the Surinamese slave registers public a database of these registers was created. The database is the first step to create a Historical Database of Suriname (HDS) covering a substantial part of the population of Suriname between 1830 and 1950.  相似文献   

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