越、老、朝、古四国政治体制改革的主张与进展

本文从国家权力机关的改革、政府职能转变与机构改革、法制建设、执政党建设四个方面对越南、老挝、朝鲜、古巴四国政治体制改革的有关主张与进展进行了探讨和比较,认为四国的政治体制改革虽各有特色,但相同点多于不同点;虽都有一定进展,但都明显落后于经济体制改革.     

古巴共产党与中国共产党:政治互信和互相支持的典范

承认中华人民共和国是新生的古巴革命政权自行使独立主权时起,所采取的最早的行动之一。1960年9月2日,在具有历史意义的哈瓦那革命广场,一百多万古巴人欢呼支持菲德尔·卡斯特罗同志关于古巴与中国这个兄弟国家建立外交关系的提议。同月28日,两国共同发表联合公报,宣布建立外交关系。此举使古巴成为第一个与中华人民共和国建立外交关系的拉美国家。     

古巴经济改革的特点

古巴的经济改革始于1993年.20世纪80年代末90年代初,东欧剧变、苏联解体,"社会主义大家庭"骤然消失,古巴失去了85%的市场、75%的进口和石油供应.美国趁机加紧对古的经济封锁,力图搞垮古巴社会主义政权.在双重打击之下,古经济形势急剧恶化.     

Economic transformations in Cuba: a review

After Raul Castro’s accession to the presidency of Cuba, the country has witnessed the most far-reaching process of economic reforms for more than five decades. The government has expanded the private and cooperative sectors, has passed a new foreign investment law, restructured most of its old debt and has sought to end the long-standing dispute with the USA. Yet economic performance has been poor and the country faces significant challenges and contradictions arising from the reforms. This paper analyses the macroeconomic environment and the changes introduced by the Cuban government over the period 2007–15. While successful at restoring macroeconomic equilibria, restrictive macroeconomic policies have hurt economic growth, whereas growth- and efficiency-enhancing measures are yet to produce results. Moreover, transformation of the economic model is slow because of its many internal contradictions. The paper also discusses some of the main impediments to future change.     

一个美国游客眼中的古巴

在到达哈瓦那的当天吃晚饭时,我开始意识到古巴并不像我所料想的那样.我们一行安排好旅馆住宿,就来到"老哈瓦那"的这家餐厅.饭菜正如我们曾被告诫过的并不怎么样,但是餐厅的布局却颇为华丽.一座热带花园被优雅的老式庭院所环绕,园中种了不少茂盛的植物和鲜艳的花卉,中心位置则是一个喷泉.令人感受至深的是,在整个夜晚都有一支由当地人组成的乐队为我们演奏助兴.     

Foreign investiment in socialist Cuba: Significance and prospects

In February 1982, Cuba’s Council of State approved legislation that authorized some forms of foreign investment in the island. The legislation was largely ignored by foreign business that for nearly a decade showed scant interest in investing in Cuba. However, in the 1990s, foreign investiment in socialist Cuba has increased rapidly. The first part of the article gauges the economic significance of foreign investment in the context of the financial needs of the country. The second part touches on a number of issues that have a bearing on the further growth of foreign investment in Cuba. The article concludes with some general observations on the impact of foreign investment on the Cuban economy and prospects for the future. Jorge F. Pérez-López is an international economist with the Bureau of International Labor Affairs, U.S. Department of Labor. His writings on international economics issues— especially on the Cuban economy—have appeared in professional journals and several edited volumes. He is the author ofThe Economics of Cuban Sugar (University of Pittsburgh Press, 1991),The Cuban Second Economy: From Behind the Scenes to Center Stage (Transaction Publishers, 1995), and editor and contributor ofCuba at a Crossroads (University Press of Florida, 1994). He received his Ph.D. in Economics from the State University of New York at Albany. The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone.     

The succession of policy termination

Despite the cessation of a variety of governmental organisations, policies and programmes in the UK throughout the 1980s and 1990s, the termination concept which emerged during the late 1970s remains heavily under utilised. This is attributed partly to the effects of the same incremental practices which termination was designed to solve; partly to the difficulties of distinguishing the categories of ‘termination’ from ‘succession’ ; and partly to Kaufman's assertion that organisational survival was a matter of chance, and therefore not fruitful to study. Academic interest in governmental cessations remains firmly rooted in the termination of organisations; much less attention has been paid to the ending of policies and programmes. Management science research can be used to challenge assertions about the lack of pattern in organisational survival, and the way in which political science has operationalised the concept of incerementalist, suggesting the applicability of semi rationalist techniques in an incrementalist world. Using a hierarchical reformulation of de Leon's 1978 categorisation of governmental functions, organisations, policies and programmes it is here suggested that ‘termination’ and ‘succession’ are distinct. In doing so, the aim is to demonstrate the practical utility of the termination concept, both for analysis, and for practitioners whose interest is centred on the opportunity cost savings which cessations can make available.     

古巴:稳定增长又一年

时局稳定经济增长 过去的一年,是古巴共产党和政府领导古巴人民克服重重困难,保持政局稳定,经济持续增长的一年.     

古巴、巴西的廉政建设和反腐败工作

古巴和巴西都是美洲地区的重要国家。这些年，两国在廉政建设和反腐败工作方面取得了显著成绩，形成了相对完善的反腐败体系，积累了一些好的经验和做法。     

Crisis,violence and political succession in Africa

This article examines African leadership succession and the effect of crises on the orderliness of succession. The data set consists of 102 successions from 1963-1988, using the African Contemporary Record as our major source. We divide 102 successions into those which are 'regulated,' or rule-directed, and those which are not. We find that about a third of all successions were regulated, and that the presence of a political crisis is the critical obstacle to a regulated succession, more important than either economic or cultural crises. We also find that economic performance is a significant long-term factor in a country's succession record.     

Tradition,UMNO and political succession in Malaysia

ABSTRACT Leaders of the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), Malaysia's ruling party, invented 'Malay tradition' for the purpose of maintaining control not only over the domestic political process, but also in their own ranks. Yet, this did not deter challenges to the leadership which were also legitimised on the basis of tradition. In this regard, the rhetoric of tradition also functioned as a barometer assessing the stakes and the levels of support for the contestants. When the stakes of political contestation became extraordinarily high, the major protagonists were quite willing to depart from tradition to determine outcomes. Realising its instrumental worth, the UMNO elites manufactured tradition to legitimise deviations from established norms. But in the process of reinventing the wheel, the leaders of UMNO inadvertently contributed to the construction of ethnic identity.