Decentralization or deconcentration: struggle for political power in poland (1)

This paper argues that the 1989 commitment to political and administrative decentralization has weakened over five years. As the point that it has become a rhetorical formula voiced by the governing political leadership when convenient, but in reality never realized. Two sets of factors contributed to such a state of affairs: (1) the inability of the center to reform itself, and (2) center's increasing commitment to regain the power lost over the last few years.

The first part of the paper lays a theoretical framework for analysis of pressures and barriers to decentralize. Second, examines the process of implementing in Poland, of local government and public administration reform over the 1989-1995 period. Finally, the third analyzes in detail the three most significant forces that central states utilized to gain control: (1) political; (2) power resources and (3) fiscal. It concludes by asserting that beyond 1990, while much of the program has been achieved in designing legislative and territorial aspects of the public administration and local governments reform, what was lacking was the political commitment to implement both.     

Sikh terrorism in the struggle for Khalistan

Abstract

The attack on the Golden Temple, the “Holy of Holies” of the Sikh religion in Amritsar, India, in June 1984 found the world's attention on a long‐simmering but low‐keyed conflict—the fight of the Sikh separatists for an independent Punjab, renamed Khalistan. The Sikh struggle has all of the earmarks of the type of conflicts breaking out in the new third world nations, which are remnants of the old colonial empires; a quest for ethnic identity, a desire for religious purity (i.e., the fear of being absorbed by the majority Hindus), and the desire for nationhood. The Sikhs are a proud and achieving people who feel unequally yoked with the Hindus, but their desire for an independent nation in the middle of a hostile India borders on fantasy.     

Putin's struggle for federalism: Structures,operation, and the commitment problem

This article provides an analysis of the institutional mechanisms that are required to ensure the effective functioning of federalism in Russian politics. A common contention in the literature on federalism is that, in addition to fundamental requirements such as the constitutionally defined division of powers between the federation and its constituent units, and the supremacy of the federal constitution, some ancillary structures are necessary. Of particular importance are institutions of inter-governmental co-operation, transparent means for the mobility of officials between the centre and the regions, and integrated systems of national parties. The functioning of these institutions must also reflect the culture and ethic of federalism. This article examines how well these three factors have been implemented in Russia in the course of Putin's reforms. It is shown that a preliminary network of such institutions has been created. However, their operational ethic, and in particular the lack of commitment to federal values, it is argued, could act as an impediment to the successful evolution of the federal state in Russia.     

反霸与反恐斗争浅析

当今世界霸权主义和强权政治有新的表现,恐怖主义危害上升."9·11"事件一方面使恐怖主义这种非传统安全因素凸显,另一方面美国又以反恐为名强化霸权主义.这不禁发人深思:霸权主义和恐怖主义究竟是什么关系?怎样才能有效地反对霸权主义和恐怖主义?     

Terrorism and the political process

In conventional terms, politics is defined according to the common usages in the context under discussion. In functional terms, politics is defined to serve the need of specialists for a common frame of reference for comparative purposes. Functionally, politics is the process of receiving and giving support in making important decisions in the social process. “Important decisions” are enforceable if challenged by the most severe sanctions available to a group (territorial, pluralistic). Terrorism as a problem is discussed in terms of policy goals, trends, conditions, and alternatives. We are particularly interested in sanctioning objectives and strategies: deterrence, withdrawal, rehabilitation, correction, prevention, and reconstruction. In a terror process we distinguish the terrorist, the proximate victim, and impact targets. Terrorists are participants in the political process who strive for political results by arousing acute anxieties. Terrorist strategy proceeds by the symbolic enhancement of instruments of procedures of destruction. Some selected systematic studies of terror are reviewed, especially as a phase of rebellion and as a system. Recurring seizures by a sense of weakness are likely to precipitate periodic revivals of terror as a strategy of territorial or pluralistic elements in the world social process.     

Terrorism and the marxist left: Peru's struggle against Sendero Luminoso

Abstract

The political balance in Peru since the return of democratic government in 1980 has shifted to the left, and the United Left (Izquierda Unida or IU) is considered a serious contender in the 1990 elections. This paper investigates IU's prospects for success in presenting a clear alternative within the country's Marxist coalition and in undermining support for the armed revolutionary group Sendero Luminoso. The origins of IU are traced from the 1978 constituent assembly elections, and its organization, structure, and tactics are evaluated in terms of its effectiveness. If it achieves power, it will face its greatest challenge from Sendero Luminoso, the militant Maoist group that has been responsible for much of the terrorism that has gripped Peru in this decade. The authors describe Sendero's strategy and tactics and those of its chief rival, the MRTA. Finally the paper explores IU's alternatives for dealing with these radical leftist groups and the political violence they espouse.     

The armed struggle and underground intelligence: An overview

This comparative analysis of the dynamics of underground, revolutionary intelligence is based on a generation of analytical association with recent and continuing armed struggles. It is a first effort to depict the unconventional nature of intelligence in an illicit and covert world that is not merely the mirror image of orthodox practice. It is mainly a discussion of strategic and tactical aspects, their structure, focus, and role, as well as special factors such as counterintelligence and heresy, prisoners and foreign contacts. Underground, these are in great part shaped by the aspirations and ideals of the rebels as well as by the special conditions that assure inefficiency in return for cover. The article is, then, a preliminary, general analysis of a largely neglected aspect of unconventional conflict.     

当代亚洲政党政治演进的主要特点

亚洲国家的政党政治发源于19世纪,其发展历程蜿蜒曲折、复杂多样,大体经历了三个发展阶段:第一阶段,从19世纪到二战结束,为亚洲政党政治的形成阶段,产生了一批民族主义政党和工人阶级政党.第二阶段,从战后到冷战结束,为其迅速兴起和蓬勃发展的阶段,各种类型的政党相继出现,政党政治在多数国家立足并发挥作用.第三阶段,从冷战后至今,为其调整与演变阶段,政党政治出现了更为复杂的变化,多党民主浪潮在亚洲部分国家兴起,许多国家的政党政治发生深刻变动.     

The relevance of basic needs for political and economic development

This article addresses the “basic needs’ approach to development policy from the perspectives of the political and economic development literature. The central questions concern the compatibility of a basic needs approach with political and economic development and the impact of development on population welfare. Will a basic needs approach weaken or strengthn the processes of legitimation and state consolidation in developing systems? What impact will it have on participation and democracy? What will be the impact of such an approach upon attempts to industrialize and diversify production? While there are no definitive responses to these concerns the literature suggests that the approach has real potential value both for improving “human capital” and strengthening economic development, and for developing locally based political institutions.