Killing the Third World: civilisational security as US grand strategy

Abstract

This article disputes explanations of American expansionism that are based on the requirements of national security or more abstract theories such as the balance of power. In contradistinction to the imperatives of defence and survival, the article shows how civilisational factors weighed heavily on the emergence of US grand strategy at the turn of the nineteenth century. In particular assumptions about the peoples of the Third World being lesser played an important role in the conception and legitimation of imperial expansion. During this period, the US Navy went through a dramatic build-up. The article shows the ways in which the worldviews of many of the key players (such as Alfred Mahan and Theodore Roosevelt) contributed to the militarisation of global racism, a development that led to widespread killing in the Philippines and elsewhere.     

世界大变局中一场新兴大国的盛会——金砖国家领导人第三次会晤

2011年4月14日,金砖国家领导人第三次会晤在中国海南省三亚市举行,中国国家主席胡锦涛、巴西总统罗塞夫、俄罗斯总统梅德维杰夫、印度总理辛格、南非总统祖马出席了会议。     

Third World states as intervenors in ethnic conflicts: Implications for regional and international security

Third party involvement in internal ethnic conflicts has generated much interest in the post-cold war period. Yet few systematic studies focus on Third World states, which are among the most frequent intervenors in intrastate disputes. This article presents an initial empirical assessment of 975 interventions by third world states in ethnic conflicts in the South during the 1990s. It reveals that, contrary to expectations, the end of the Cold War has not led to a significant change in either major power or regional power interventions. Over one-half of all interventions are undertaken by states located in the region where the conflict occurs. Neighbours and regional powers can potentially threaten regional and international stability as they choose to furnish military assistance to ethnic groups in some 60% of their interventions. Conflicts involving ethnic groups seeking autonomy or secession are among the most likely to attract outside patrons.     

Emigration and expulsion in the Third World

We routinely refer to pharmaceutical patents as intellectual property rights. The argument in this article is that pharmaceutical patents represent a ‘bargain’ between government, business and society. The pharmaceutical patent system constitutes a social institution with social goals that go well beyond solely providing incentives to proprietary pharmaceutical companies to develop innovative drugs. Therefore we need to assess this institution in terms of what is referred to here as its social effectiveness, that is, its ability to accomplish the social goals it was set up to achieve. Such assessment has to take into account the fact that the pharmaceutical patent system has now become global, a development that has made its social ineffectiveness more apparent and worrisome. The severity and gravity of unmet global and local public health needs compels urgent scrutiny of the pharmaceutical patent system, as well as of alternatives to it, such as prizes for pharmaceuticals.     

Emigration and expulsion in the Third World

The right of individuals to leave their country, and conversely their right not to be forced to leave, are generally recognized tenets of international law. In developing countries, 2 patterns of assault on these rights are apparent. 1 pattern concerns political and ethnic pressures associated with the pain and tribulations of nation building in new societies, which tends to produce refugees. The 2nd pattern is an effort to block the brain drain of skilled personnel to more developed countries. The desire to be rid of those who don't fit in and the desire to make those with needed skills fit in explains much of the apparent inconsistency and vacillation of governments on both issues. States with no tradition of statehood often turn to authoritarian models to create cohesion. Where ruling elites attempt to strengthen national unity, they tend to turn on groups whose language ethnicity, religion, culture, political beliefs, or socioeconomic status do not fit in. The 2nd pattern of constraint on Third World emigration is a reaction to the threatened loss of manpower. While Sudan lost only 1% of its labor force to emigration, this included 70% of its medical graduates and such high percentages of high level clerical personnel as to become an obstacle to efficient government. It is not the least developed countries that suffer most from the brain drain; they have less competition for available openings and adjustment to developed country life is more difficult for their citizens. Many "drainees" feel political pressure to leave, although the decisive motivation appears to concern working conditions and employment. the "drained" countries not interested so much in imposing restrictions on themselves as in gaining recongnition of the responsibility of the industrialized nations to developing ones; they want compensation for losses incurred.     

Third World foundation news

This paper examines the evolving role of the UN specialised agencies in international responses to 'complex' emergencies, with particular reference to the Food and Agriculture Organisation (FAO). Despite some shortcomings in both the organisation and execution of interventions, FAO does indeed - as it claims - have the capacity to be a 'key player' in complex emergencies in terms of emergency and longer-term rehabilitation as well as preparedness and early warning, and is playing this role with increasing confidence and competence. A main constraint is donor reluctance to fund the kind of operations in which FAO specialises, despite their potential cost-effectiveness and capacity, with careful design and implementation, to mitigate crises and reduce relief needs. This is seen as part of a wider donor failure to provide adequate support for responses to complex emergencies which go beyond 'pure' relief in acute, high profile situations-something which has increasingly become a preoccupation within and outside the UN system and points to the need for improved coordination and monitoring and evaluation systems.     

Third World Military Spending

This article critically examines the concept of 'partnership', ubiquitous in contemporary development aid discourses. It investigates whether the language of 'partnership' signifies a change in aid relations away from the stark exertion of power characteristic of the conditionality decades of the 1980s and 1990s, or, conversely, whether 'partnership' is merely the latest guise behind which power-based relations continue to operate. A conceptual framework facilitates the deconstruction of the recently established 'Partnership for Governance Reform' in Indonesia, posited as a co-operative venture between national stakeholders and the international community. Elements of partnership or of power are sought through an examination of decision-making structures and activities. Findings are of the largely rhetorical and instrumental use of 'partnership' by international actors. Although there is nominal control by Indonesian actors, decision-making bodies are constructed in a manner which ensures that the reform agenda of international agencies remains relatively unchallenged, both in terms of what is included and excluded. Contrary to the official discourse of partnership as encouraging locally formulated reform strategies, the notions of 'partnership' and 'local ownership' simultaneously disguise and legitimise the interventions of international agencies in domestic reform processes, serving to mystify power asymmetry.     

The queer Third World

This article attempts to align ‘queer’ and ‘Third World’ – grouping them in their common inheritance of subjugation and disparagement and their shared allegiance to non-alignment and a politics aimed at disrupting domination and the status quo. In assembling both terms one is struck by how, in the mainstream discourse of international development, the Third World comes off looking remarkably queer: under Western eyes it has often been constructed as perverse, abnormal and passive. Its sociocultural values and institutions are seen as deviantly strange – backward, effete, even effeminate. Its economic development is depicted as abnormal, always needing to emulate the West, yet never living up to the mark (‘emerging’ perhaps, but never quite arriving). For their part, postcolonial Third World nation-states have tended to disown and purge such queering – by denying their queerness; indeed often characterising it as a ‘Western import’ – yet at the same time imitating the West and pursuing neoliberal capitalist growth. I want not only to make the claim that the Western and Third World stances are two sides of the same discourse but, drawing on Lacanian queer theory, also to suggest that a ‘queer Third World’ would better transgress this discourse by embracing queerness as the site of structural negativity and destabilising politics.     

The challenge of the creative Third World

This article is a contribution to recent literature on the shape of the polycentric world order. It argues that the Third World remains a valid concept for describing the interests and ideas that shape the foreign policies of many key non-Western states. However, the Third World has changed in a fundamental way. The article describes the historical emergence and contemporary manifestations of a ‘creative’ Third World in contrast to the ‘protest’ Third World of the past. It describes the nature of this shift and how it is reshaping Western leadership. It argues that the main challenge for the West is to create a coherent pluralism in international order that embraces this creative Third World.     

Recreating the Third World Project: possibilities through the Fourth World

Abstract

In this paper, we make a theoretical argument that the Third World be returned to its political origins to inspire an updated Third World Project (TWP), revived as a global movement for progressive, anti-imperialist forces, through the Fourth World movement, which highlights internal colonialism. Both the TWP and the United Nations recognise only nation states as full members. We examine how a Third World strategy that brings in the Fourth World, or indigenous, minority and/or stateless groups, can help oppressed groups gain more autonomy and rights through a transnational solidarity rooted in empathy. We trace the intellectual roots and history of the TWP and consider obstacles in bringing together the TWP and the Fourth World movement. A Fourth World strategy corrects the TWP’s implicit approval of an underlying imperialism, and the TWP provides the Fourth World movement a model to accomplish its goal of resisting uncritical modernity.