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Jacqueline S. Ismael Tareq Y. Ismael 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1995,30(2):45-57
The relationship between knowledge and power is examined in this article in terms of the social science literature base on
Arab countries. It is argued that knowledge imposes normative constraints on the exercise of power, and the exercise of power
is dependent on the lack of knowledge. This is examined in terms of the knowledge base on Iraq and Palestine, the two countries
in the Arab world most decimated in the post-World War II era by the exercise of external power politics. The study is organized
in three phases: (1) delimiting the population of scholarly literature in the social sciences on the Middle East by country;
(2) drawing representative samples of scholarly literature on Iraq and Palestine from this population; and (3) content analysis
of the samples.
Jacqueline S. Ismael is a professor of social work at The University of Calgary. She has published a number of articles and
monographs on social change in the Middle East, as well as several works on Canadian social policy. She is co-author with
Tareq Y. Ismael ofThe People’s Democratic Republic of Yemen: The Politics of Socialist Transformation (1986),Government and Politics in Islam (1986),Politics and Government in the Middle East andNorth Africa (1991), andThe Gulf War and the New World Order (1994). Her most recent work isKuwait: Dependency and Class in a Rentier State (1993). Tareq Y. Ismael is a professor of political science at The University of Calgary. He has written extensively on Middle
East politics, the international relations of the Middle East, and ideology in the Arab world. His recent publications includeInternational Relations of the Contemporary Middle East (1986),Middle East Studies: International Perspectives on the State of the Art (1990),The Communist Movement in Egypt (1990),Politics and Government in the Middle East and North Africa (1991), andThe Gulf War and the New World Order (1994). 相似文献
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2006年初巴勒斯坦举行立法委选举,属于非主流派的哈马斯(即伊斯兰抵抗运动)异军突起在大选中赢得了胜利(赢得132个议席中的76席,而法塔赫只获得了43席). 相似文献
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In examining how Chinese policy makers and law drafters defined problems and formulated solutions, this article seeks to address two questions. First, the authors consider the extent to which China's civil service system has embraced principles and features of Western civil service systems. Second, the authors illustrate the political nature of the attempt to establish a civil service system, which severely limits a rational policy design in China. As a result of the political regression since June 1989, the present civil service system has experienced little change. 相似文献
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Jan Selby 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(2):329-349
Most expert and public discourse on Middle Eastern water politics holds that water scarcities are of great, if often under-recognised, geopolitical importance. Pessimists and optimists alike tend to assume that water has, or soon will have, profound geopolitical implications. In this paper I argue to the contrary. Specifically, I contend that water problems should neither be understood in naturalistic nor in liberal?–?technical terms, but instead as questions of political economy; that water is structurally insignificant within the political economy of the modern Middle East; that in consequence water is generally unimportant as a source of inter-state conflict and co-operation; and that, notwithstanding this, water supplies are a crucial site and cause of local conflicts in many parts of the region. I submit also that given the worsening state of economic development within the Middle East, these local conflict dynamics are likely to further deteriorate. 相似文献
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The rise of Islamic politics in the Middle East, particularly since the Iranian revolution, is the most cited example that
supposedly testifies to the “clean” separation between “Islam” and the “West.” In this essay, I argue that it is not Islamic
movements and ideology that confirm this separation. Rather, it is their incorporation into the scheme of Western modernity,
with its binary distinctions and evolutionary reading of history, which constructs this separation. Using examples from Iran
and Palestine, I show how Islamic ideology indeed defies the basic premises of Western discourse on modernity, expose its
limitations, and question the constitution of Islam and the West as allegedly distinct, even opposing, categories.
相似文献
Issam AburaiyaEmail: |
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The article provides a critical reading of various related discourses, depicting the political motives behind the conflict in Chechnya as a battlefield of the global jihad. These narratives have sought to present the involvement of external Islamist groups as a major factor in the conflict, and to portray many of the main groups within Chechnya as subscribing to a jihadist ideology. The authors suggest an alternative narrative focusing on the significance of the blood feud in the societies of the North Caucasus. It is argued that it is necessary to differentiate between the radicalisation of the resistance as such and the strengthening of the ideology of jihad. It is concluded that the resistance currently assumes a supranational character, yet one which is delimited regionally rather than globally. 相似文献
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In order to distinguish prison myth from reality, the authors examine both official and unofficial estimates of the violence and disorder in prison, as well the dual issues of whether drug abuse and gang activity in prison can be directly linked to the level of violence and disorder in correctional institutions. Based on this review, current responses to prison violence and disorder are examined; the authors argue that the key to reducing the current level of prison violence and disorder is to determine the appropriate tipping point between formal and informal social control mechanisms. The authors conclude by highlighting three distinct strategies for reducing violent incidents in prisons: (1) demand transparency, (2) require evidence-based practice, and (3) implement innovative measures of prison performance and quality. 相似文献
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近期,以“法塔赫”和“哈马斯”为首的巴勒斯坦各派别和解步伐加快,奥巴马新政府高调支持巴以“两国方案”并频出新举措,温和阿拉伯国家也为之积极奔走、摇旗呐喊,不免使人觉得和平可期。但与此同时,内塔尼亚胡谋求组建“大联合政府”的组阁过程拖沓、曲折,巴以围绕以被俘士兵的换囚谈判一波三折,双方低烈度冲突和恶性攻击屡有发生,又令人感到巴以现状依旧是“山重水复”。在美国主导的中东“大棋局”中, 相似文献
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Rhys Andrews George A. Boyne Jennifer Law Richard M. Walker 《Local Government Studies》2013,39(4):54-75
Local Authority performance in Wales is widely perceived as inferior to that in England. We analyse statistical evidence on current levels of performance and rates of improvement in the two local government systems, and find few significant differences between English and Welsh councils. Adverse judgements on Welsh local government seem to reflect perceptions of their management processes and methods of service provision rather than their substantive achievements. This may in turn be symptomatic of UK central government's assumption that public service improvement cannot be achieved unless organisations follow the specific model of ‘managerial modernisation it is currently promoting. 相似文献
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Saliba Sarsar 《International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society》2004,17(3):457-470
This article examines United States behavior at the United Nations regarding the Question of Palestine, with focus on the US-Israel relationship and US voting pattern. What is found is an overwhelming voting coincidence between the US and Israel in the UN General Assembly or a US liberal use of the veto in the UN Security Council in support of Israel. The strong bond between both countries, brought about by common interests and practical US realities, has created an impasse on the Question of Palestine at the UN. All concerned must realize that membership in the UN necessitates upholding the UN Charter and moving beyond national idiosyncrasies and short-term advantages in order to achieve stability and peace with justice for all. 相似文献
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Christina M. Schiavoni Hannah Twomey Benedict S. Mongula 《Third world quarterly》2018,39(7):1348-1366
AbstractOver the past decade, agricultural investment has been presented as a catchall solution to a converging set of global crises, often with poor rural communities as the proclaimed beneficiaries. Yet the promises of such investment, such as poverty alleviation and improved food access, are routinely at odds with realities on the ground. This article offers frameworks for analysis of agricultural investment that are grounded in the realities of small-scale food providers, drawing from two studies. The first study employs a right to food framework to identify the main channels through which food for consumption is procured by small-scale food providers and the factors impacting these channels. It draws on empirical data from within the Southern Agricultural Growth Corridor of Tanzania (SAGCOT), an investment model promised to lift rural communities out of poverty, which reflects a regional trend. Based on the shortcomings of the large-scale investments examined, the second study employs a food sovereignty framework to explore alternative forms of investment envisioned and/or already being put into practice by small-scale food providers in the SAGCOT area and elsewhere in Tanzania. While two different frameworks formed the basis of two different studies, both the studies and their frameworks are interrelated. The final section of this article makes the case for why both the right to food and food sovereignty are essential lenses for understanding agricultural investment vis-à-vis small-scale food providers and the ways in which they can serve as complementary tools for effective analysis. 相似文献
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